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Large Crown 8vo„ Cloth, Illustrated, js. 
i. ROME. Arthur Gilman, M.A. 
2. THE JEWS. Prof. J. K. HOSMER. 
;. GERMANY. Rev. S. Baring-Gould, M.A. 

4 . CARTHAGE. Prof. A. J. Church. 

5. ALEXANDER'S EMPIRE. Prof. J. P. Mahaffy. 

6. THE MOORS IN SPAIN. Stanley Lane-Poole. 

7. ANCIENT EGYPT Canon Rawlinson. 

8. HUNGARY. Prof. A. Vambery. 

9. THE SARACENS. A. Gilman, M.A. 
10. IRELAND. Hon. Emily Lawless. 
it. CHALD/EA. Z. A. Ragozin. 

12. THE GOTHS. Henry Bradley. 

13. ASSYRIA. Z. A. Ragozin. 

14. TURKEY. Stanley Lane-Poole. 

15. HOLLAND Prof. J. E. Thoroi.d Rogers. 

16. MEDI/EVAL FRANCE. Prof. Gustave Masson. 
• 7. PERSIA. S. G. W. Benjamin. 

iS. PHOENICIA. Canon Rawlinson. 

19. MEDIA. Z. A. Ragozin. 

20. THE HANSA TOWNS. Helen Zimmern. 

21. EARLY BRITAIN. Prof. A. J. Church. 

22. THE BARBARY CORSAIRS. Stanley Lane-Poole. 

23. RUSSIA. W. R. Morrill, M.A. 


25. SCOTLAND. John Mackintosh, LL.D. 

26. SWITZERLAND. Mrs. Lina Hug and Richard Stead. 

27. MEXICO. Susan Hale. 

28. PORTUGAL. H. Morse Stephens. 

London : 
T. FISHER UNWIN, Paternoster Square, E.C. 

Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2013 













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Entered at Stationers' 11 all 

[GHT by G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1885 
(For the United States of America) 


It is proposed to rehearse the lustrous story of 
Rome, from its beginning in the mists of myth and 
fable down to the mischievous times when the re- 
public came to its end, just before the brilliant 
period of the empire opened. 

As one surveys this marvellous vista from the 
vantage-ground of the present, attention is fixed 
first upon a long succession of well-authenticated 
facts which are shaded off in the dim distance, and 
finally lost in the obscurity of unlettered antiquity. 
The flesh and blood heroes of the more modern 
times regularly and slowly pass from view, and in their 
places the unsubstantial worthies of dreamy tradition 
start up. The transition is so gradual, however, that it 
is at times impossible to draw the line between his- 
tory and legend. Fortunately for the purposes of this 
volume it is not always necessary to make the effort. 
The early traditions of the Eternal City have so long 
been recounted as truth that the world is slow to 
give up even the least jot or tittle of them, and 
when they are disproved as fact s they must be told 
over and over again as story. 

Roman history involves a narrative of social and 
political struggles, the importance of which is as 


wide as modern civilization, and they must not be 
ed over without some attention, though in the 
sent volume they cannot be treated with the 
thoroughness they deserve. The story has the ad- 
vantage of being to a great extent a narrative of the 
oits of heroes, and the attention can be held 
almost the whole time to the deeds of particular 
irs who successively occupy the focus or play the 
principal parts on the stage. In this way the ele- 
ment of personal interest, which so greatly adds to 
the charm of a story, may be infused into the nar- 
rativ . 

It is hoped to enter to some degree into the real 
life of the Roman people, to catch the true spirit of 
their actions, and to indicate the current of the 
national life, while avoiding the presentation of 
particular episodes or periods with undue promi- 
nence. It is intended to set down the facts in their 
proper relation to each other as well as to the facts 
of general history, without attempting an incursion 
the domain of philosophy. 

A G. 

20 /S /O 5 

O 5 /O /S 20 25 30 3S 

*5 SO 55 61 




Once upon a Time 1-15 

The old king at Troy, I — Paris, the wayward youth, 2 — 
Helen carried off, 2 — The war of ten years, 2 — yEneas, son 
of Anchises, goes to Italy, 4 — His death, 4 — Fact and fiction 
in early stories,^ — How Milton wrote about early England, 
5 — How ^Eneas was connected with England, 6 — Virgil 
writes about ^Eneas, 7 — How Livy wrote about ^Eneas, 7 — 
Was ^Eneas a son of Venus ? 8 — Italy, as yEneas would have 
seen it, 8 — Greeks in Italy, 9 — How Evander came from 
Arcadia, 9 — How ^Eneas died, 10 — Thirty cities rise, 11 — 
Twins and a she-wolf, 12 — Trojan names in Italy, 13 — 
How the Romans named their children and themselves, 14. 


How the Shepherds Began the City . 16-38 

Augury resorted to, 16 — Romulus and Remus on two hills, 
17 — Vultures determine a question, 17 — Pales, god of the 
shepherds, 18 — Beginning the city, 19 — Celer killed, 20 — 
An asylum, 20 — Bachelors want wives, 21 — A game of wife- 
snatching, 22 — Sabines wish their daughters back, 22 — Tar- 
peia on the hill, 23 — A duel between two hills, 24 — Two 
men named Curtius, 25 — Women interfere for peace, 26 — 
Where did Romulus go? 27 — Society divided by Romulus, 
28 — Numa Pompilius chosen king, 29 — Laws of religion 
given the people, 30 — Guilds established, 31 — The year di- 
vided into months, 32 — Tullus Hostilius king, 33 — Six 
brothers fight, 34 — Horatia killed, 36 — Ancus Martius king, 
37 — The wooden bridge, 38. 




How Corinth Gavk Rome a New Dynasty . 39-47 
Magna Gnecia, 39 — Cypselus, the democratic politician, 40 
— Demaratus goes to Tarquinii, 41 — Etruscan relics, 42 — 
Lucomo's cap lifted, 42 — Lucomo changes his name, 43 — A 
Greek king of Rome, 43 — A circus and other great public 
works, 44 — A light around a boy's head, 46 — Servius Tullius 
king, 46 — How the kingdom passed from the Etruscan 
dynasty, 47. 


The Rise of the Commons .... 48-57 

A king of the plebeians, 48 — A league with Latin cities, 48 
— A census taken, 48 — The Seven Hills, 49 — Classes formed 
among the people, 50 — Assemblies of the people, 50 — How 
ace means one, 51 — Heads of the people, 51 — Armor of the 
different classes, 51 — A Lustration or Suovetaurilia , 54 — 
What is a lustrum ? 54 — Servius divides certain lands, 55 — 
A wicked husband and a naughty wife, 55 — King Servius 
killed, 56 — Sprinkled with a father's blood, 57. 

How a Proud King Fell . 58-68 

A tyrant king, 58 — The mysterious Sibyl of Cumae comes to 
sell books, 59 — The head found on the Capitoline, 59 — A 
serpent frightens a king, 60 — A serious inquiry sent to 
Delphi, 60 — A hollow stick filled with gold helps a young 
man, 62 — A good wife spinning, 62 — A terrible oath, 63 — 
The Tarquins banished, 63 — A republic takes the place of 
the kingdom, 64 — The first of the long line of consuls, 64 — 
The good Valerius, 65 — The god Silvanus cries out to some 
effect, 65 — Lars Porsena of Clusium and what he tried to do, 
66 — Horatius the brave, 66— Rome loses land, 67 — A dicta- 
tor appointed, 67 — Castor and Pollux help the army at Lake 
Regillus, 67 — Caius Marcius wins a crown, 68 — Appius 
Claudius comes to town, 68. 




The Roman Runnymede .... 69-79 
The character of the Romans, 69 — Traits of the kings, 70 — 
Insignificance of Latin territory, 71 — Occupations, 71 — Art 
backward, 71 — A narrow religion, 72 — Who were the popu- 
lus Romanus ? 73 — Patricians oppress the people, 73 — 
Wrongs of Roman money-lending, 74 — How a debtor 
flaunted his rags to good purpose, 75 — Appius Claudius de- 
fied, 76 — A secession to the Anio, 77 — Apologue of the body 
and its members, 78 — Laws of Valerius re-affirmed, 78 — Tri- 
bunes of the people appointed, 79 — Peace by the treaty of 
the Sacred Mount, 79. 


How the Heroes Fought for a Hundred 

Years 80-97 

Coriolanus fights bravely, 80 — He enrages the plebeians, 81 
— Women melt the strong man's heart, 82 — Plebeians gain 
ground, 82 — Agrarian laws begin to be made, 83 — Cassius, 
who makes the first, undermined, 84 — The family of the 
Fabii support the commons, 85 — A black day on the Cre- 
mara, 85 — Cincinnatus called from his plow, 86 — The ^Equi- 
ans subjugated, 87 — What a conquest meant in those days, 
87— The Aventine Hill given to the commons, 88 — The ten 
men make ten laws and afterwards twelve, 89 — The ten men 
become arrogant, 90 — How Virginia was killed, 91 — Appius 
Claudius cursed, 91 — The second secession of the plebeians, 
92 — The third secession, 92 — The commons make gains, 93 
Censors chosen, 93 — The wonderful siege of Veii, 94 — How 
a tunnel brings victory, 95 — Camillus the second founder of 
Rome, 96 — How the territory was increased, but ill omens 
threaten, 97. 


A Blast from Beyond the North Wind . 98-110 
What the Greeks thought when they shivered, 98 — A war- 
like people come into notice, 99 — Brennus leads the bar- 
barians to victory, too— A voice from the temple of Vesta, 



loo — Tearful Allia, ioi — The city alarmed and Camillus 
called for, 102 — How the sacred geese chattered to a pur- 
pose, 103 — Brennus successful, but defeated at last, 104 — A 
historical game of scandal, 106 — Camillus sets to work to 
make a new city, 107 — Camillus honored as the second 
founder of Rome, 10S — Manlius less fortunate, 108 — Poor 
debtors protected by a law of Stolo, 109 — A plague comes 
to Rome, and priests order stage-plays to be performed, no 
— The floods of the Tiber come into the circus, no. 


How the Republic Overcame its Neighbors, 111-125 
Alexander the Great strides over Persia, in — Suppose he 
had attacked Rome ? 112 — The man with a chain, and the 
man helped by a crow, 113 — How the Samnites came into 
Campania, 114 — The memorable battle of Mount Gaurus, 
114 — How Carthage thought best to congratulate Rome, 115 
— Debts become heavy again, 115 — How Decius Mus sacri- 
ficed himself for the army, 116 — Misfortune at the Caudine 
Forks, 117 — A general muddle, in which another Mus sacri- 
fices himself, 11S — Another secession of the commons, 119 
— An agrarian law and an abolition of debts, 119 — What the 
wild waves washed up, 119 — Pyrrhus, King of Epirus, takes 
a lofty model, 120 — How Cineas asked hard questions, 121 
— Blind Appius Claudius stirs up the people, 122 — Maleven- 
tum gets a better name, 123 — Ptolemy Philadelphus thinks 
best to congratulate Rome, 123 — How the Romans made 
roads, 124 — The classes of citizens, 125. 


Ax Aerican Sirocco . 126-148 

How an old Bible city sent out a colony, 126 — Carthage at- 
tends strictly to its own business, 127 — Sicily a convenient 
place for a great fight, 128 — The Mamertines not far from 
Scylla and Charybdis, 1 29 — Ancient war-vessels and how they 
were rowed, 130 — The prestige of Carthage on the water 
destroyed, 132 — Xanthippus the Spartan helps the Cartha- 



ginians, 132 — The horrible fate of noble Rcgulus, 133 — Ham- 
ilcar, the man of lightning, comes to view, 133 — Gates of 
the temple of Janus closed the second time, 134 — A perfidi- 
ous queen overthrown, 135 — Two Gauls and two Greeks 
buried alive, ,136 — Hannibal hates Rome, 137 — Rome and 
Carthage fight the second time, 138 — Scipio and Fabius the 
Delayer fight for Rome, 139 — Hannibal crosses the Alps, 
140— The terrible rout at Lake Trasimenus, 142 — A busi- 
ness man beaten, 143 — Syracuse falls and Archimedes dies, 
144 — Fabius takes Tarentum, 145 — A great victory at the 
Metaurus, 146 — War carried to Africa and closed at Zama, 
147 — Hannibal a wanderer, 148. 


The New Pushes the Old — Wars and Con- 
quests 149-166 

Tumultuous women stir up the city, 149 — What the Oppian 
Law forbade, 150 — Cato the Stern opposes the women, 152 
— The women find a valorous champion, 153 — How did the 
matrons establish their high character? 154 — Two parties 
look at the growing influence of ideas from Greece, 156 — 
What were those influences? 15S — How Rome coveted 
Eastern conquests, 159 — How Flamininus fought at the 
Dog-heads, 160 — How the Grecians cried for joy at the 
Isthmian games, 161 — Great battles at Thermopylae and 
Magnesia, and their results, 162 — Philopcemen, Hannibal, 
and Scipio die, 163 — The battle of Pydna marks an era, 164 
— Greece despoiled of its works of art, 165 — Cato wishes 
Carthage destroyed, 165 — Numantia destroyed, 166 — The 
slaves in Sicily give trouble, 166. 


A Futile Effort at Reform . . 167-184 

Scipio gives away his daughter, 167 — Tiberius Gracchus 
serves the state, 168 — Romans without family altars or 
tombs, 169 — Cornelia urges Gracchus to do somewhat for the 
state, 170 — Gracchus misses an opportunity, 171 — Another 



son of Cornelia comes to the front, 172 — The younger 
Gracchus builds roads and makes good laws, 173 — Drusus 
undermines the reformer, 174 — Office looked upon as a means 
of getting riches, 175 — Marius and Sulla appear, 175 — Ju- 
gurtha fights and bribes, 176 — Metellus, the general of in- 
tegrity, 17S — Marius captures Jugurtha, 1S0 — A shadow 
falls upon Rome, 181 — A terrible battle at Vercellce, 182 — 
The slaves rise again, 183 — The Domitian law restricts the 
rights of the senate, 1S3 — The ill-gotten gold of Toulouse, 


Social and Civil Wars .... 185-197 

The agrarian laws of Appuleius, 1S5 — Luxury increases and 
faith falls away, 1S6 — Rome for the Roman:;, 1S6 — Another 
Drusus appears, 187 — The brave Marsians menace Home, 187 
— Ten new tribes formed, 188 — A war with Mithridates of 
Pontus, 189 — Marius and Sulla struggle and Marius goes to 
the wall, 190 — Sulla besieges Athens, 191 — Sulla threatens 
the senate, 192 — The capitcl burned, 193 — A battle at the 
Colline Gate, 193 — Proscription and carnage, 194 — Sulla 
makes laws and retires to see the effect, 195 — A congiar'::im, 
196 — A grand funeral and a cremation, 197. 

The Master-Spirits of this Age . . 198-213 

Tendency towards monarchy, 198 — Sertorius and his white 
fawn, 199 — Crassus and his great house, 200 — Cicero, the 
eloquent orator, 202 — Verres, the great thief, 203 — How 
Verres ran away, 204 — Catiline the Cruel, 205 — Caesar, the 
man born to rule, 206 — Looking for gain in confusion, 207 
— Lepidus flees after the fight of the Mulvian bridge, 20S — 
How the two young men caused gladiators to fight, 209 — 
What Spartacus did, 210 — Six thousand crosses, 211 — Pom- 
pey overawes the senate, 212. 

Progress of the Great Pompey . . 214-230 

Pompey the principal citizen, 214 — Crassus feeds the people 



at ten thousand tables, 216 — How the pirates caught Caesar, 
and how Caesar caught the pirates, 217 — Gabinius makes a 
move, 218 — The Manilian law sets Fompey further on, 219 
— Mithridates fights and flees, 220 — Times of treasons, 
stratagems, and spoils, 221 — Catiline plots, 222 — The sacri- 
lege of Clodius, 223 — Caesar pushes himself to the front, 224 
—The last agrarian law, 226 — Caesar's success in Gaul, 227 
— Vercingetorix appears, 228 — Caesar's conquests, 229. 


Elow the Triumvirs Came to Untimely 

Ends ...... 231-254. 

Pompey builds a theatre, 231 — Crassus must make his mark, 
232 — Cato against Caesar, 234 — Curio helps Caesar, 235 — 
Solemn jugglery of the pontiffs, 236 — Curio warm enough. 
237 — At the Rubicon,. 238 — Crossing the little river, 240 — 
Pompey stamps in vain, 241 — Cato flees from Rome, 242 — 
Metellus stands aside, 243 — Pompey killed, 244 — Vent, 
vidi, vici, 245 — Honors and plans of Caesar, 246 — The cal- 
endar reformed, 247 — Caesar has too much ambition, 248 — 
'T was one of those coronets, 249 — The Ides of March, 250 
— Antony, the actor, 251 — Antony the chief man in Rome, 
252 — What nexc ? 254. 


How the Republic Became an Empire . 255-270 

How Octavius became a Caesar, 255 — Agrippa and Cicero 
give him their help, 256 — Octavius wins the soldiers, and 
Cicero launches his Philippics, 257 — Antony, Lepidus, and 
Octavius become Triumvirs, 258 — Their first work a bloody 
one, 259 — Cicero falls, 260 — Brutus and Cassius defeated at 
Philippi, 261 — Antony forgets Fulvia, 262 — Antony and 
Octavius quarrel and meet for discussion at Tarentum, 264 
— How Horace travelled to Brundusium, 265 — The duration 
of the Triumvirate extended five years, 266 — Cleopatra 
beguiles Antony a second time, 267 — The great battle off 
Actium, 268 — Octavius wins complete power, and a new era 
begins, 270 — The Republic ends, 270, 



PAGE Manners and Customs of the Roman 

People 271-291 

How did these people live ? 271 — The first Roman house, 
272 — The vestibule and the dark room, 274 — The dining- 
room and the parlor, 276 — Rooms for pictures and books, 
277 — Cooking taken out of the atrium, 278 — How the houses 
were heated and lighted, 279 — Life in a villa, 280 — The ex- 
travagance of the pleasure villa, 281 — When a man and 
a woman had agreed to marry, 282 — How the bride dressed 
and what the groom did, 283 — The wife's position and work, 
284 — The stola and the toga, 285 — Foot-gear from soccus to 
cothurnus, 286 — Breakfast, luncheon, and dinner, 288 — The 
formal dinner, 289 — How the Romans travelled, and how 
they sought office, 290 — The law and its penalties, 291. 


The Roman Reading and Writing . . 292-312 
Grecian influence on Roman mental culture, 292 — Text- 
books, 293 — Cato and Varro on education, 294 — Dictation 
and copy-books, 295 — The early writers, 295 — Fabius Pic- 
tor, 297 — Plautus, 297 — Terence, 298 — Atellan plays, 298 — 
Cicero's works, 299 — Varro's works, 300 — Caesar and Catul- 
lus, 302 — Lucretius, 303 — Ovid and Tibullus, 304 — Sallust, 
305 — Livy, 306 — Horace, 307 — Cornelius Nepos, 308 — Vir- 
gil and his works, 309 — Life at the villa of Maecenas, 311. 


The Roman Republicans Serious and 

Gay ....... 312-332 

The will of the gods sought for, 312 — The first temples, 313 
— Festivals in the first month, 314 — Vinalia and Saturnalia, 
314 — Fires of Vulcan and Vesta, 315 — Matronly and family 
services, 316 — No mythology at first, 317 — Colleges of 
priests needed, 318 — An incursion of Greek philosophers, 
319 — Games of childhood, 320 — Checkers and other games 
of chance, 321 -The people cry for games, 322 — Games in 


the circus, 323— The amphitheatre invented, 325 — Men and 
beasts fight, 326 — Funeral ceremonies, 326 — Charon paid, 
327 — The mourning procession, 329 — Inurning the ashes, 
329 — The columbarium, 330 — The Roman May-day, 331 — 
Change from rustic simplicity to urban orgies, 332. 






;3 2 






rome . . . . . . Frontispiece 

the plain of troy in modern times . . 3 
roman girls with a stylus and writing-tablet 
a roman altar . .... 

monument of the horatii and the curiatii . 
mouth of the cloaca maxima at the tiber, 

and the so-called temple of vesta . 45 

roman soldiers, costumes and armor . . 53 

the ravine of delphi 6l 

the capitol restored .'..,, 105 

roman street pavement . . . 1 25 

a phoenician vessel (trireme) . i26 

a roman war-vessel . . . , . 131 

hannibal ........ i37 

terence, the last roman comic poet . . 141 

publius cornelius scipio africanus t . 145 

a roman matron . . . . . , 151 

roman head-dresses . 155 

gladiators at a funeral . , • 1 57 
actors' masks . . . . . . .159 

a roman mile-stone . . . . . .173 

in a roman study ...... 177 












interior of the forum romanum . 
marcus tullius cicero 
Cleopatra's show ship 
ancient statue of augustus . 
the house-philosopher (see page 277) 
dining-table and couches 
coverings for the feet 
articles of the roman toilet 
ruins of the colosseum, seen from the pala 
tine hill ....... 

a columbarium . . 










ONCE upon a time, there lived in a city of Asia 
Minor, not far from Mount Ida, as old Homer tells 
us in his grand and beautiful poem, a king who had 
fifty sons and many daughters. How large his 
family was, indeed, we cannot say, for the story- 
tellers of the olden time were not very careful to set 
down the actual and exact truth, their chief object 
being to give the people something to interest them. 
That they succeeded well in this respect we know, 
because the story of this old king and his great 
family of sons and daughters has been told and re- 
told thousands of times since it was first related, and 
that was so long ago that the bard himself has some- 
times been said never to have lived at all. Still, 
somebody must have existed who told the wondrous 
story, and it has always been attributed to a blind 
poet, to whom the name Homer has been given. 

The place in which the old king and his great 
family lived was Ilium, though it is better known as 
Troja or Troy, because that is the name that the 



Roman people used for it in later times. One of 
the sons of Priam, for that was the name of this 
king, was Paris, who, though very handsome, was a 
wayward and troublesome youth. He once jour- 
neyed to Greece to find a wife, and there fell in love 
with a beautiful daughter of Jupiter, named Helen. 
She was already married to Menelaus, the Prince of 
Lacedaemonia (brother of another famous hero, Aga- 
memnon), who had most hospitably entertained 
young Paris, but this did not interfere with his 
carrying her off to Troy. The wedding journey was 
made by the roundabout way of Phoenicia and Egypt, 
but at last the couple reached home with a large 
amount of treasure taken from the hospitable 

This wild adventure led to a war of ten years 
between the Greeks and King Priam, for the rescue 
of the beautiful Helen. Menelaus and some of his 
countrymen at last contrived to conceal themselves 
in a hollow wooden horse, in which they were taken 
into Troy. Once inside, it was an easy task to open 
the gates and let the whole army in also. The city was 
then taken and burned. Menelaus was naturally one 
of the first to hasten from the smoking ruins, though 
he was almost the last to reach his home. He lived 
afterwards for years in peace, health, and happiness 
with the beautiful wife who had cost him so much 
suffering and so many trials to regain. 

Among the relatives of King Priam was one An- 
chises, a descendant of Jupiter, who was very old at 
the time of the war. He had a valiant son, however, 
who fought well in the struggle, and the story of his 

*l \ 

il L 



; W 


deeds was ever afterwards treasured up among the 
most precious narratives of all time. This son was 
named ^Eneas, and he was not only a descendant of 
Jupiter, but also a son of the beautiful goddess 
Venus. He did not take an active part in the war 
at its beginning, but in the course of time he and 
Hector, who was one of the sons of the king, became 
the most prominent among the defenders of Troy. 
After the destruction of the city, he went out of it, 
carrying on his shoulders his aged father, Anchises, 
and leading by the hand his young son, Ascanius, or 
lulus, as he was also called. He bore in his hands 
his household gods, called the Penates, and began 
his now celebrated wanderings over the earth. He 
found a resting-place at last on the farther coast of 
the Italian peninsula, and there one day he marvel- 
lously disappeared in a battle on the banks of the 
little brook Numicius, where a monument was erected 
to his memory as " The Father and the Native God." 
According to the best accounts, the war of Troy 
took place nearly twelve hundred years before Christ, 
and that is some three thousand years ago now. It 
was before the time of the prophet Eli, of whom we 
read in the Bible, and long before the ancient days 
of Samuel and Saul and David and Solomon, who 
seem so very far removed from our times. There 
had been long lines of kings and princes in China 
and India before that time, however, and in the 
hoary land of Egypt as many as twenty dynasties of 
sovereigns had reigned and passed away, and a cer- 
tain sort of civilization had flourished for two or 
three thousand years, so that the great world was 


not so young at that time as one might at first think. 
If only there had been books and newspapers in 
those olden days, what revelations they would make 
to us now ! They would tell us exactly where Troy 
was, which some of the learned think we do not 
know, and we might, by their help, separate fact from 
fiction in the immortal poems and stories that are 
now our only source of information. It is not for us 
to say that that would be any better for us than to 
know merely what we do, for poetry is elevating and 
entertaining, and stirs the heart ; and who could 
make poetry out of the columns of a newspaper, even 
though it were as old as the times of the Pharaohs? 
Let us, then, be thankful for what we have, and take 
the beginnings of history in the mixed form of truth 
and fiction, following the lead of learned historians 
who are and long have been trying to trace the true 
clue of fact in the labyrinth of poetic story with 
which it is involved. 

When the poet Milton sat down to write the his- 
tory of that part of Britain now called England, as 
he expressed it, he said : " The beginning of nations, 
those excepted of whom sacred books have spoken, 
is to this day unknown. Nor only the beginning, 
but the deeds also of many succeeding ages, yes, 
periods of ages, either wholly unknown or obscured 
or blemished with fables." Why this is so the great 
poet did not pretend to tell, but he thought that it 
might be because people did not know how to write 
in the first ages, or because their records had been 
lost in wars and by the sloth and ignorance that fol- 
lowed them. Perhaps men did not think that the 


records of their own times were worth preserving 
when they reflected how base and corrupt, how petty 
and perverse such deeds would appear to those who 
should come after them. For whatever reason, Mil- 
ton said that it had come about that some of the 
stories that seemed to be the oldest were in his day 
regarded as fables ; but that he did not intend to 
pass them over, because that which one antiquary 
admitted as true history, another exploded as mere 
fiction, and narratives that had been once called 
fables were afterward found to " contain in them 
many footsteps and reliques of something true," as 
what might be read in poets "of the flood and 
giants, little believed, till undoubted witnesses taught 
us that all was not feigned." For such reasons Mil- 
ton determined to tell over the old stories, if for no 
other purpose than that they might be of service to 
the poets and romancers who knew how to use them 
judiciously. He said that he did not intend even to 
stop to argue and debate disputed questions, but, 
" imploring divine assistance," to relate/* with plain 
and lightsome brevity," those things worth noting. 

After all this preparation Milton began his history 
of England at the Flood, hastily recounted the facts 
to the time of the great Trojan war, and then said 
that he had arrived at a period when the narrative 
could not be so hurriedly dispatched. He showed 
how the old historians had gone back to Troy for the 
beginnings of the English race, and had chosen a 
great-grandson of ^Eneas, named Brutus, as the one 
by whom it should be attached to the right royal 
heroes of Homer's poem. Thus we see how firm a 


hold upon the imagination of the world the tale of 
Troy had after twenty-seven hundred years. 

Twenty-five or thirty years before the birth of 
Christ there was in Rome another poet, named 
Virgil, writing about the wanderings of ^neas. He 
began his beautiful story with these words : " Arms I 
sing, and the hero, who first, exiled by fate, came 
from the coast of Troy to Italy and the Lavinian 
shore." He then went on to tell in beautiful words 
the story of the wanderings of his hero, — a tale that 
has now been read and re-read for nearly two thousand 
years, by all who have wished to call themselves 
educated ; generations of school-boys, and school- 
girls too, have slowly made their way through the 
Latin of its twelve books. This was another evi- 
dence of the strong hold that the story of Troy had 
upon men, as well as of the honor in which the 
heroes, and descent from them, were held. 

In the generation after Virgil there arose a graphic 
writer named Livy, who wrote a long history of 
Rome, a large portion of which has been preserved 
to our own day. Like Virgil, Livy traced the origin 
of the Latin people to ^Eneas, and like Milton, he 
re-told the ancient stories, saying that he had no in- 
tention of affirming or refuting the traditions that 
had come down to his time of what had occurred 
before the building of the city, though he thought 
them rather suitable for the fictions of poetry than 
for the genuine records of the historian. He added, 
that it was art indulgence conceded to antiquity to 
blend human things with things divine, in such a 
way as to make the origin of cities appear more 


venerable. This principle is much the same as that 
on which Milton wrote his history, and it seems a 
very good one. Let us, therefore, follow it. 

In the narrative of events for several hundred 
years after the city of Rome was founded, accord- 
ing to the early traditions, it is difficult to distinguish 
truth from fiction, though a skilful historian (and 
many such there have been) is able, by reading his- 
tory backwards, to make up his mind as to what is 
probable and what seems to belong only to the 
realm of myth. It does not, for example, seem 
probable that ^Eneas was the son of the goddess 
Venus ; and it seems clear that a great many of the 
stories that are mixed with the early history of Rome 
were written long after the events they pretend to 
record, in order to account for customs and observ- 
ances of the later days. Some of these we shall 
notice as we go on with our pleasant story. 

We must now return to ^Eneas. After long wan- 
derings and many marvellous adventures, he arrived, 
as has been said, on the shores of Italy. He was not 
able to go rapidly about the whole country, as we 
are in these days by means of our good roads and 
other modes of communication, but if he could have 
done this, he would have found that he had fallen 
upon a land in which the inhabitants had come, as he 
had, from foreign shores. Some of them were of 
Greek origin, and others had emigrated from coun- 
tries just north of Italy, though, as we now know 
that Asia was the cradle of our race, and especially 
of that portion of it that has peopled Europe, we 
suppose that all the dwellers on the boot-shaped 


peninsula had their origin on that mysterious conti- 
nent at some early period. 

If ^Eneas could have gone to the southern part of 
Italy, — to that part from which travellers now take 
the steamships for the East at Brindisi, he would 
have found some of the emigrants from the North, 
If he had gone to the north of the river Tiber, he 
would have seen a mixed population enjoying a 
greater civilization than the others, the aristocracy 
of which had come also from the northern mountains, 
though the common people were from Greece or its 
colonies. These people of Greek descent were 
called Etruscans, and it has been discovered that 
they had advanced so far in civilization, that they 
afterwards gave many of their customs to the city of 
Rome when it came to power. A confederacy known 
as the "Twelve Cities of Etruria" became famous 
afterwards, though no one knows exactly which the 
twelve were. Probably they changed from time to 
time ; some that belonged to the union at one period, 
being out of it at another. It will be enough for us 
to remember that Veii, Clusium, Fidenae, Volsinii, 
and Tarquinii were of the group of Etruscan cities 
at a later date. 

The central portion of the country to which 
^Eneas came is that known as Italia, the inhabitants 
of which were of the same origin as the Greeks. It 
is said that about sixty years before the Trojan war, 
King Evander (whose name meant good man and 
true) brought a company from the land of Arcadia, 
where the people were supposed to live in a state of 
ideal innocence and virtue, to Italia, and began a city 


on the banks of the Tiber, at the foot of the Pala- 
tine Hill. Evander was a son of Mercury, and he 
found that the king of the country he had come to 
was Turnus, who was also a relative of the immortal 
gods. Turnus and Evander became fast friends, and 
it is said that Turnus taught his neighbors the art of 
writing, which he had himself learned from Hercules, 
but this is one of the transparent fictions of the 
story. It may be that he taught them music and the 
arts of social life, and gave them good laws. What 
ever became of good Evander we do not know. 

The king of the people among whom -/Eneas 
landed was one Latinus, who became a friend of his 
noble visitor, giving him his daughter Lavinia to 
wife, though he had previously promised her to Tur- 
nus. ^Eneas named the town in which he lived 
Lavinium, in honor of his wife. Turnus was natu- 
rally enraged at the loss of his expected bride, and 
made war upon both ^Eneas and Latinus. The Tro- 
jan came off victorious, both the other warriors being 
killed in the struggle. Thus for a short time, ^Eneas 
was left sole king of all those regions, with no one 
to dispute his title to the throne or his right to his 
wife ; but the pleasure of ruling was not long to be 
his, for a short time after his accession to power, he 
was killed in battle on the banks of the Numicius, 
as has already been related. His son Ascanius left 
the low and unhealthy site of Lavinium, and founded 
a city on higher ground, which was called Alba 
Longa (the long, white city), and the mountain on 
the side of which it was, the Alban mountain. The 
new capital of Ascanius became the centre and prin- 


cipal one of thirty cities that arose in the plain, over 
all of which it seemed to have authority. Among 
these were Tusculum, Praeneste, Lavinium, and Ar- 
dea, places of which subsequent history has much to 

Ascanius was successful in founding a long line of 
sovereigns, who reigned in Alba for three hundred 
years, until there arose one Numitor who was dis- 
possessed of his throne by a younger brother named 
Amulius. One bad act usually leads to another, and 
this case was no exception to the rule, for when 
Amulius had taken his brother's throne, he still 
feared that the rightful children might interfere with 
the enjoyment of his power. Though he supported 
Numitor in comfort, he cruelly killed his son and 
shut his daughter up in a temple. This daughter 
was called Silvia, or, sometimes, Rhea Silvia. 
Wicked men are not able generally to enjoy the 
fruits of their evil doings long, and, in the course of 
time, the daughter of the dethroned Numitor be- 
came the mother of a beautiful pair of twin boys, 
(their father being the god of war, Mars,) who 
proved the avengers of their grandfather. Not im- 
mediately, however. The detestable usurper deter- 
mined to throw the mother and her babes into the 
river Tiber, and thus make an end of them, as well 
as of all danger to him from them. It happened 
that the river was at the time overflowing its banks, 
and though the poor mother was drowned, the cradle 
of the twins was caught on the shallow ground at 
the foot of the Palatine Hill, at the very place where 
the good Evander had begun his city so long before. 


There the waifs were found by one of the king's 
shepherds, after they had been, strangely enough, 
taken care of for a while by a she-wolf, which gave 
them milk, and a woodpecker, which supplied them 
with other food. Faustulus was the name of this 
shepherd, and he took them to his wife Laurentia, 
though she already had twelve others to care for. 
The brothers, who were named Romulus and Remus, 
grew up on the sides of the Palatine Hill to be strong 
and handsome men, and showed themselves born 
leaders among the other shepherds, as they at- 
tended to their daily duties or fought the wild ani- 
mals that troubled the flocks. 

The grandfather of the twins fed his herds 
on the Aventine Hill, nearer the river Tiber, 
just across a little valley, and a quarrel arose between 
his shepherds and those of Faustulus, in the course 
of which Remus was captured and taken before 
Numitor. The old man thus discovered the rela- 
tionship that existed between him and the twins 
who had so long been lost. In consequence of the 
discovery of their origin, and the right to the throne 
that was their father's, they arose against their un- 
worthy uncle, and with the aid of their followers, 
put him to death and placed Numitor in supreme 
authority, where he rightfully belonged. The twins 
had become attached to the place in which they had 
spent their youth, and preferred to live there rather 
than to go to Alba with their royal grandfather. He 
therefore granted to them that portion of his posses- 
sions, and there they determined to found a city. 

Thus we have the origin of the Roman people. We 


see how the early traditions " mixed human things 
with things divine," as Livy said had been done to 
make the origin of the city more respectable ; how 
^Eneas, the far-back ancestor, was descended from 
Jupiter himself, and how he was a son of Venus, the 
goddess of love. How Romulus and Remus, the actual 
founders, were children of the god of war, and thus 
naturally fitted to be the builders of a nation that 
was to be strong and to conquer all known peoples 
on earth. The effort to ascribe to their nation an 
origin that should appear venerable to all who be- 
lieved the stories of the gods and goddesses, was re- 
markably successful, and there is no doubt that it 
gave inspiration to the Roman people long after the 
worship of those divinities had become a matter of 
form, if not even of ridicule. 

This was not all that was done, however, to es- 
tablish the faith in the old stories in the minds of 
the people. In some way that it is not easy to ex- 
plain, the names of the first heroes were fixed upon 
certain localities, just as those of the famous British 
hero, King Arthur, have long been fixed upon places 
in Brittany, Cornwall, and Southern Scotland. We 
find at a little place called Metapontem, the tools 
used by Epeus in making the wooden horse that was 
taken into Troy. The bow and arrows of Hercules 
were preserved at Thurii, near Sybaris ; the tomb of 
Philoctetes, who inherited these weapons of the hero, 
was at Macalla, in Bruttium, not far from Crotona, 
where Pythagoras had lived ; the head of the Caly- 
donian Boar was at Beneventum, east of Capua, and 
the Erymanthian Boar's tusks were at Cumae, cele- 


brated for its Sibyl ; the armor of Diomede, one of 
the Trojan heroes, was at Luceria, in the vicinity of 
Cannae ; the cup of Ulysses and the tomb of El- 
penor were at Circei, on the coast ; the ships of 
^Eneas and his Penates were at Lavinium, fifteen 
miies south of Rome ; and the tomb of the hero 
himself was at a spot between Ardea and Lavinium, 
on the banks of the brook Numicius. Most men are 
interested in relics of olden times, and these, so many 
and of such great attractiveness, were doubtless 
strong proofs to the average Roman, ready to think 
well of his ancestors, that tradition told a true story. 

As we read the histories of other nations than our 
own, we are struck by the strangeness of many of 
the circumstances. They appear foreign (or " out- 
landish," as our great-grandparents used to say), and 
it is difficult to put ourselves in the places of the 
people we read of, especially if they belong to 
ancient times. Perhaps the names of persons and 
places give us as much trouble as any thing. It 
seems to us, perhaps, that the Romans gave their 
children too many names, and they often added to 
them themselves when they had grown up. They 
did not always write their names out in full ; some- 
times they called each other by only one of them, 
and at others by several. Marcus Tullius Cicero was 
sometimes addressed as " Tullius," and is often men- 
tioned in old books as " Tully " ; and he was also 
" M. Tullius Cicero." It was as if we were to write 
" G. Washington Tudela," and call Mr. Tudela famil- 
iarly " Washington." This would cause no con- 


fusion at the time, but it might be difficult for his 
descendants to identify " Washington " as Mr. 
Tudela, if, years after his death, they were to read 
of him under his middle name only. The Greeks 
were much more simple, and each of them had but 
one name, though they freely used nicknames to 
describe peculiarities or defects. The Latins and 
Etruscans seem to have had at first only one name 
apiece, but the Sabines had two, and in later times 
the Sabine system was generally followed. A Roman 
boy had, therefore, a given name and a family name, 
which were indispensable ; but he might have two 
others, descriptive of some peculiarity or remarkable 
event in his life — as" Scaevola," left-handed ; " Cato," 
or " Sapiens," wise ; " Coriolanus," of Corioli. " Ap- 
pius Claudius Sabinus Regillensis " means Appius of 
the Claudian family of Regillum, in the country of 
the Sabines. " Lucius Cornelius Scipio Africanus " 
means Lucius, of the Cornelian family, and of the 
particular branch of the Scipios who won fame in 
Africa. These were called the prcenomen (forename), 
nomen (name), cognomen (surname), and agnomen 
(added name). 




The proverbs says that Rome was not built in 
a day. It was no easy task for the twins to agree just 
where they should even begin the city. Romulus 
thought that the Palatine Hill, on which he and his 
brother had lived, was the most favorable spot for the 
purpose, while Remus inclined no less decidedly in 
favor of the Aventine, on which Numitor had fed his 
flocks. In this emergency, they seem to have asked 
counsel of their grandfather, and he advised them to 
settle the question by recourse to augury,* a practice 
of the Etrurians with which they were probably quite 
familiar, for they had been educated, we are told, at 
Gabii, the largest of the towns of Latium, where all 
the knowledge of the region was known to the 

Following this advice, the brothers took up posi- 
tions at a given time on the respective hills, sur- 
rounded by their followers ; those of Romulus being 

* Augury was at first a system of divining by birds, but in time the 
observation of other signs was included. At first no plebeians could 
take the auspices, as they seem to have had no share in the divinities 
whose will was sought, but in the year 300, B.C., the college of augurs, 
then comprising four patricians, was enlarged by the admission of five 
plebeians. The augurs were elected for life. 


known as the Quintilii, and those of Remus as the 
Fabii. Thus, in anxious expectation, they waited for 
the passage of certain birds which was to settle the 
question between them. We can imagine them as 
they waited. The two hills are still to be seen in the 
city, and probably the two groups were about half 
a mile apart. On one side of them rolled the muddy 
waters of the Tiber, from which they had been 
snatched when infants, and around them rose the 
other elevations over which the "seven-hilled" city 
of the future was destined to spread. From morn- 
ing to evening they patiently watched, but in vain. 
Through the long April night, too, they held their 
posts, and as the sun of the second day rose over the 
Ccelian Hill, Remus beheld with exultation six vul- 
tures swiftly flying through the air, and thought that 
surely fortune had decided in his favor. The vulture 
was a bird seldom seen, and one that never did 
damage to crops or cattle, and for this reason its ap- 
pearance was looked upon as a good augury. The 
passage of the six vultures did not, however, settle 
this dispute, as Numitor expected it would, for 
Romulus, when he heard that Remus had seen six, 
asserted that twelve had flown by him. His follow- 
ers supported this claim, and determined that the 
city should be begun on the Palatine Hill. It is said 
that this hill, from which our word palace has come, 
received its name from the town of Pallantium, in 
Arcadia, from which Evander came to Italy. 

The twenty-first of April was a festal day among 
the shepherds, and it was chosen as the one on which 
the new city should be begun (753 B.C.). In the 


morning of the day, it was customary, so they say, 
for the country people to purify themselves by fire 
and smoke, by sprinkling themselves with spring 
water, by formal washing of their hands, and by 
drinking milk mixed with grape-juice. During the 
day they offered sacrifices, consisting of cakes, milk, 
and other eatables, to Pales, the god of the shepherds. 
Three times, with faces turned to the east, a long 
prayer was repeated to Pales, asking blessings upon 
the flocks and herds, and pardon for any offences 
committed against the nymphs of the streams, the 
dryads of the woods, and the other deities of the 
Italian Olympus. This over, bonfires of hay and 
straw were lighted, music was made with cymbal and 
flute, and shepherds and sheep were purified by pass- 
ing through the flames. A feast followed, the simple 
folk lying on benches of turf, and indulging in gen 
erous draughts of their homely wines, such, probably, 
as the visitor to-day may regale himself with in the 
same region. Towards evening, the flocks were fed, 
the stables were cleansed and sprinkled with water 
with laurel brooms, and laurel boughs were hung 
about them as adornments. Sulphur, incense, rose- 
mary, and fir-wood were burned, and the smoke made 
to pass through the stalls to purify them, and even 
the flocks themselves were submitted to the same 
cleansing fumes. 

The beginning of a city in the olden time was a 
serious matter, and Romulus felt the solemnity of 
the acts in which he was about to engage. He sent 
men to Etruria, from which land the religious cus- 
toms of the Romans largely came, to obtain for him 


the minute details of the rites suitable for the 

At the proper moment he began the Etrurian 
ceremonies, by digging a circular pit down to the 
hard clay, into which were cast with great solemnity 
some of the first-fruits of the season, and also hand- 
fuls of earth, each man throwing in a little from the 
country from which he had come. The pit was then 
filled up, and over it an altar was erected, upon the 
hearth of which a fire was kindled. Thus the centre 
of the new city was settled and consecrated. Rom- 
ulus then harnessed a white cow and a snow-white 
bull to a plow with a brazen share, and holding the 
handle himself, traced the line of the future walls 
with a furrow (called the pomcerium *), carrying the 
plow over the places where gates were to be left, 
and causing those who followed to see that every 
furrow as it fell was turned inwards toward the city. 
As he plowed, Romulus uttered the following 
prayer : 

Do thou, Jupiter, aid me as I found this city ; 
and Mavors [that is, Mars, the god of war and 
protector of agriculture], my father, and Vesta, 
my mother, and all other, ye deities, whom it is 
a religious duty to invoke, attend ; let this work 
of mine rise under your auspices. Long may be 
its duration ; may its sway be that of an all- 
riding land ; and under it may be both the 
rising and the setting of the day. 

It is said that Jupiter sent thunder from one side 

* Pomcerium is composed of post, behind, and murus, a wall. 
The word is often used as meaning simply a boundary or limit of 
jurisdiction. The pom&rium of Rome was several times enlarged. 


of the heavens and lightnings from the other, and 
that the people rejoiced in the omens as good and 
went on cheerfully building the walls. The poet 
Ovid says that the work of superintending the build- 
ing was given to one Celer, who was told by Romulus 
to let no one pass over the furrow of the plow. 
Remus, ignorant of this, began to scoff at the lowly 
beginning, and was immediately struck down by 
Ccler with a spade. Romulus bore the death of his 
brother " like a Roman," with great fortitude, and, 
swallowing down his rising tears, exclaimed : " So 
let it happen to all who pass over my walls ! " 

Plutarch, who is very fond of tracing the origin of 
words, says that Celer rushed away from Rome, fear- 
ing vengeance, and did not rest until he had reached 
the limits of Etruria, and that his name became the 
synonym for quickness, so that men swift of foot 
were called Celer es by the Romans, just as we still 
speak of " celerity," meaning rapidity of motion. 
Thus the walls of the new city were laid in blood. 

In one respect early Rome was like our own coun- 
try, for Plutarch says that it was proclaimed an 
asylum to which any who were oppressed might 
resort and be safe ; but it was more, for all who had 
incurred the vengeance of the law were also taken in 
and protected from punishment. Romulus is said 
to have erected in a wood a temple to a god called 
Asylaeus, where he " received and protected all, de- 
livering none back — neither the servant to his master, 
the debtor to his creditor, nor the murderer into the 
hands of the magistrate ; saying it was a privileged 
place, and they could so maintain it by an order of 


the holy oracle ; insomuch that the city grew pres» 
ently very populous." It was men, of course, who 
took advantage of this asylum, for who ever heard of 
women who would rush in great numbers to such a 
place ? Rome was a colony of bachelors, and some 
of them pretty poor characters too, so that there did 
not seem to be a very gcod chance that they could 
find women willing to become their wives. Romu- 
lus, like many an ardent lover since, evidently 
thought that all was fair in love and war, and, after 
failing in all his efforts to lead the neighboring peo» 
pies to allow the Roman men to marry their women, 
he gave it out that he had discovered the altar of 
the god Consus, who presided over secret delibera- 
tions, — a very suitable divinity to come up at the 
juncture, — and that he intended to celebrate his feast. 
Consus was honored on the twenty-first of August, 
and this celebration would come, therefore, just four 
months after the foundation of the city. There 
were horse and chariot races, and libations which 
were poured into the flames that consumed the 
sacrifices. The people of the country around Rome 
were invited to take part in the novel festivities, and 
they were nothing loth to come, for they had con- 
siderable curiosity to see what sort of a city had so 
quickly grown up on the Palatine Hill. They felt no 
solicitude, though perhaps some might have thought 
of the haughtiness with which they had refused the 
offers of matrimony made to their maidens. Still, 
it was safe, they thought, to attend a fair under the 
protection of religion, and so they went, — they and 
their wives and their daughters. 


At a signal from Romulus, when the games were at 
the most exciting stage, and the strangers were scat- 
tered about among the Romans, each follower of 
Romulus siezed the maiden that he had selected, and 
carried her off. It is said that as the men made the 
siezure, they cried out, " Talasia! " which means spin- 
ning, and that at all marriages in Rome afterwards, 
that word formed the refrain of a song, sung as the 
bride was approaching her husband's house. We can- 
not imagine the disturbance with which the festival 
broke up, as the distracted strangers found out that 
they were the victims of a trick, and that their loved 
daughters had been taken from them. They called in 
vain upon the god in whose honor they had come, and 
they listened with suppressed threats of vengeance to 
Romulus, as he boldly went about among them tell- 
ing them that it was owing to their pride that this 
calamity had fallen upon them, but that all would 
now be well with their daughters. Each new hus- 
band would, he said, be the better guardian of his 
bride, because he would have to take the place with 
her of family and home as well as of husband. 

The brides were soon comforted, but their parents 
put on mourning for them and went up and down 
through the neighborhood exciting the inhabitants 
against the city of Romulus. Success crowned their 
efforts, and it was not long before Titus Tatius, king 
of the Sabines, from among whose people most of 
the stolen virgins had been taken, found himself at 
the head of an army sufficient to attack the warlike 
citizens of the Palatine. He was not so prompt, 
however, as his neighbors, and two armies from Latin 



cities had been collected and sent against Romulus, 
and had been met and overcome by him, before his 
arrangements were completed ; the people being 
admitted to Rome as citizens, and thus adding to 
the already increasing power of the community. 


The Romans had a citadel on the Capitoline Hill, 
and Tatius desired to win it. The guardian was 
named Tarpeius, and he had a daughter, Tarpeia, 
who was so much attracted by the golden ornaments 
worn by the Sabine.*- *hat she promised to open the 


citadel to them if each soldier would give his bracelet 
to her. This was promised, and as each entered he 
threw his golden ornament upon the poor maiden, 
until she fell beneath the weight and died, for they 
wished to show that they hated treachery though 
willing to profit by it. Her name was fixed upon 
the steep rock of the Capitoline Hill from which 
traitors were in after years thrown. 

We now have the Sabines on one hill and the 
Romans on another, with a swampy plain of small 
extent between them, where the forum was after- 
ward built. The Romans wished to retake the 
Capitoline Hill (which was also called the Hill of 
Saturn), and a battle was fought the next day in the 
valley. It is said that two men began the fight, 
Mettus Curtius, representing the Sabines, and Hostus 
Hostilius, the Romans, and that though the Roman 
was killed, Curtius was chased into the swamp, 
where his horse was mired, and all his efforts with 
whip and spur to get him out proving ineffectual, he 
left the faithful beast and saved himself with dif- 
ficulty. The swamp was ever after known as Lacus 
Curtius, and this story might be taken as the true 
origin of its name (for lacus in Latin meant a marsh 
as well as a lake), if it were not that there are two 
other accounts of the reason for it. One story is 
that in the year 362 B.C. — that is, some four centuries 
after the battle we have just related, the earth in the 
forum gave way, and all efforts to fill it proving un- 
successful, the oracles were appealed to. They replied 
that the spot could not be made firm until that on 
which Rome's greatness was based had been cast 


into the chasm, but that then the state would pros- 
per. In the midst of the doubting that followed 
this announcement, the gallant youth, Curtius, came 
forward, declaring that the city had no greater treas- 
ure than a brave citizen in arms, upon which he im- 
mediately leaped into the abyss with his horse. 
Thereupon the earth closed over the sacrifice. This 
is the story that Livy prefers. The third is simply 
to the effect that while one Curtius was consul, in the 
year 445 B.C., the earth at the spot was struck by 
lightning, and was afterwards ceremoniously enclosed 
by him at the command of the senate. This is a 
good example of the sort of myth that the learned 
call (Etiological — that is, myths that have grown up to 
account for certain facts or customs. The story 
of the carrying off of the Sabine women is one of 
this kind, for it seems to have originated in a desire 
to account for certain incidents in the marriage cere- 
monies of the Romans. We cannot believe either, 
though it is reasonable to suppose that some event 
occurred which was the basis of the tradition told in 
connection with the history of different periods. We 
shall find that, in the year 390, all the records of 
Roman history were destroyed by certain barbarians 
who burned the city, and that therefore we have 
tradition only upon which to base the history before 
that date. We may reasonably believe, however, 
that at some time the marshy ground in the forum 
gave way, as ground often does, and that there was 
difficulty in filling up the chasm. A grand oppor- 
tunity was thus offered for a good story-teller to 
build up a romance, or to touch up the early history 


with an interesting tale of heroism. The temptation 
to do this would have been very strong to an imagi- 
native writer. 

The Sabines gained the first advantage in the 
present struggle, and it seemed as though fortune 
was about to desert the Romans, w r hen Romulus 
commended their cause to Jupiter in a prayer in 
which he vowed to erect an altar to him as Jupiter 
Stator — that is, " Stayer," if he would stay the flight 
of the Romans. The strife was then begun with new 
vigor, and in the midst of the din and carnage the 
Sabine women, who had by this time become at- 
tached to their husbands, rushed between the fierce 
men and urged them not to make them widows or 
fatherless, which was the sad alternative presented to 
them. " Make us not twice captives ! " they ex- 
claimed. Their appeal resulted in peace, and the 
two peoples agreed to form one nation, the ruler of 
which should be alternately a Roman and a Sa,bine, 
though at first Romulus and Tatius ruled jointly. 
The women became thus dearer to the whole com- 
munity, and the feast called Matronalia was estab- 
lished in their honor, when wives received presents 
from their husbands and girls from their lovers. 

Romulus continued to live on the Palatine among 
the Romans, and Tatius on the Quirinal, where the 
Sabines also lived. Each people adopted some of 
the fashions and customs of the other, and they all 
met for the transaction of business in the Forum 
Romanum, which was in the valley of the Curtian 
Lake, between the hills. For a time this arrange- 
ment was carried on in peace, and the united nation 


grew in numbers and power. After five years, how- 
ever, Tatius was slain by some of the inhabitants ot 
Lavinium, and Romulus was left sole ruler until his 

Under him the nation grew still more rapidly, and 
others were made subject to it, all of which good for- 
tune was attributed to his prowess and skill. Romulus 
became after a while somewhat arrogant. He dressed 
in scarlet, received his people lying on a couch of 
state, and surrounded himself with a body of young 
soldiers called Celeres, from the swiftness with which 
they executed his orders. It was a suspicious fact 
that all at once, at a time when the people had be- 
come dissatisfied with his actions, Romulus disap- 
peared (717 B.C.). Like Evander, he went, no one 
knew where, though one of his friends presented him- 
self in the forum and assured the people under oath 
that one day, as he was going along the road, he met 
Romulus coming toward him, dressed in shining 
armor, and looking comelier than ever. Proculus, 
for that was the friend's name, was struck with awe 
and filled with religious dread, but asked the king 
why he had left the people to bereavement, endless 
sorrow, and wicked surmises, for it had been rumored 
that the senators had made away with him. Romu- 
lus replied that it pleased the gods that, after having 
built a city destined to be the greatest in the world 
for empire and glory, he should return to heaven, 
but that Proculus might tell the Romans that they 
would attain the height of power by exercising teiru 
perance and fortitude, in which effort he would sus- 
tain them and remain their propitious god Quirinus. 


An altar was accordingly erected to the king's honor, 
and a festival called the Quirinalia was annually 
celebrated on the seventeenth of February, the day 
on which he is said to have been received into the 
number of the gods. 

Romulus left the people organized into two great 
divisions, Patricians and Clients: the former being the 
Populus Romanics, or Roman People, and possessing 
the only political rights; and the others being en- 
tirely dependent upon them. The Patricians were 
divided into three tribes — the Romans (Ramncs), the 
Etruscans (Luceres), and the Sabines (Titles, from 
Tatius). Another body, not yet organized, called 
Plebeians, or Plebs, was composed of inhabitants of 
conquered towns and refugees. These, though not 
slaves, had no political rights. Each tribe was 
divided into ten Curiae, and the thirty Curiae com- 
posed the Comitia Curiata, which was the sovereign 
assembly of the Patricians, authorized to choose the 
king and to decide all cases affecting the lives of the 
citizens. A number of men of mature age, known 
as the Patrcs, composed the Senate, which Romulus 
formed to assist him in the government. This body 
consisted of one hundred members until the union 
with the Sabines, when it was doubled, the Etrus- 
cans not being represented until a later time. The 
army was called a Legion, and was composed of a 
contribution of a thousand foot-soldiers and a hun- 
dred cavalry (Equites, Knights) from each tribe. 

A year passed after the death of Romulus before 
another king was chosen, and the people complained 
that they had a hundred sovereigns instead of one, 


because the senate governed, and that not always 
with justness. It was finally agreed that the Ro- 
mans should choose a king, but that he should be a 
Sabine. The choice fell upon Numa Pompilius, 
a man learned in all laws, human and divine, and two 
ambassadors were accordingly sent to him at his 
home at Cures, to offer the kingdom to him. The 
ambassadors were politely received by the good man, 
but he assured them that he did not wish to change 
his condition ; that every alteration in life is danger- 
ous to a man ; that madness only could induce one 
who needed nothing to quit the life to which he was 
accustomed ; that he, a man of peace, was not fitted 
to direct a people whose progress had been gained 
by war ; and that he feared that he might prove a 
laughing-stock to the people if he were to go about 
teaching them the worship of the gods and the 
offices of peace when they wanted a king to lead 
them to war. The more he declined, the more the 
people wished him to accept, and at last his father 
argued with him that a martial people needed one 
who- should teach them moderation and religion ; 
that he ought to recognize the fact that the gods 
were calling him to a large sphere of usefulness. 
These arguments proved sufficient, and Numa ac- 
cepted the crown. After making the appropriate 
offerings to the gods, he set out for Rome, and was 
met by the populace coming forth to receive him 
with joyful acclamations. Sacrifices were offered in 
the temples, and with impressive ceremonies the new 
authority was joyfully entrusted to him (715 B.C.). 
As Romulus had given the Romans their warlike 


customs, so now Numa gave them the ceremonial 
laws of religion ; but before entering upon this work, 
he divided among the people the public lands that 
Romulus had added to the property of the city by 
his conquests, by this movement showing that he was 
possessed of worldly as well as of heavenly wisdom. 
He next instituted the worship of the god Terminus, 
who seems to have been simply Jupiter in the ca- 
pacity of guardian of boundaries. Numa ordered 
all persons to mark the limits of their lands by con- 
secrated stones, and at these, when they celebrated 
the feast of Terminalia, sacrifices were to be offered 
of cakes, meal, and fruits. Moses had done some- 
thing like this hundreds of years before, in the land 
of Palestine, when he wrote in his laws : " Thou 
shalt not remove thy neighbor's landmark, which 
they of old time have set, in thine inheritance which 
thou shalt inherit, in the land that the Lord thy God 
giveth thee." He had impressed it upon the people, 
repeating in a solemn religious service the words : 
" Cursed be he that removeth his neighbor's land- 
mark," to which all the people in those primitive 
times solemnly said " Amen ! " You will find the 
same sentiment repeated in the Proverbs of Solo- 
mon. When Romulus had laid out the pomcerium, 
he made the outline something like a square, and 
called it Roma Quadrata, that is " Square Rome," 
but he did not direct the landmarks of the public 
domain to be distinctly indicated. The consecration 
of the boundaries undoubtedly made the people 
consider themselves more secure in their possessions, 
and consequently made the state itself more stable. 



In order to make the people feel more like one 
body and think less of the fact that they comprised 
persons belonging to different nations, Numa insti- 
tuted nine guilds among which the workmen were 
distributed. These were the pipers, carpenters, 
goldsmiths, tanners, leather-workers, dyers, potters, 


smiths, and one in which all other handicraftsmen 
were united. Thus these men spoke of each other 
as members of this or that guild, instead of as 
Etruscans, Romans, and Sabines. 

Human sacrifices were declared abolished at this 


time ; the rites of prayer were established ; the 
temple of Janus was founded (which was closed in 
time of peace and open in time of war) ; priests were 
ordained to conduct the public worship, the Pontifex 
Maximus* being at the head of them, and the 
Flamens, Vestal Virgins, and Salii, being subordi- 
nate. Numa pretended that he met by night a nymph 
named Egeria, at a grotto under the Ccelian Hill, 
not far from the present site of the Baths of Cara- 
calla, and that from time to time she gave him direc- 
tions as to what rites would be acceptable to the 
gods. Another nymph, whom Numa commended to 
the special veneration of the Romans, was named 
Tacita, or the silent. This was appropriate for one 
of such quiet and unobtrusive manners as this good 
king possessed. 

Romulus is said to have made the year consist of 
but ten months, the first being March, named from 
Mars, the god whom he delighted to honor ; but 
Numa saw that his division was faulty, and so he 
added two months, making the first one January, 
from Janus, the god who loved civil and social unity, 
whose temple he had built ; and the second Feb- 
ruary, or the month of purification, from the Latin 
word februa. If he had put in his extra months at 

* Pontifex means bridge-builder {pons, a bridge, facere, to make), 
and the title is said to have been given to these magistrates because 
they built the wooden bridge over the Tiber, and kept it in repair, so 
that sacrifices might be made on both sides of the river. The build- 
ing of this bridge is, however, ascribed to Ancus Martius at a later 
date, and so some think the name was originally pompifex (pomfia, a 
solemn procession), and meant that the officers had charge of such 


some other part of the year, he might have allowed 
it still to begin in the spring, as it naturally does, and 
we should not be obliged to explain to every genera- 
tion why the ninth, tenth, eleventh, and twelfth 
months are still called the seventh, eighth, ninth, and 
tenth. * 

The poets said in the peaceful days of Numa, 
Rust eats the pointed spear and double-edged sword. 
No more is heard the trumpet's brazen roar, 
Sweet sleep is banished from our eyes no more, 

and that over the iron shields the spiders hung their 
threads, for it was a sort of golden age, when there 
was neither plot, nor envy, nor sedition in the state, 
for the love of virtue and the serenity of. spirit of 
the king flowed down upon all the happy subjects. 
In due time, after a long reign and a peaceful and 
useful life, Numa died, not by disease or war, but by 
the natural decline of his faculties. The people 
mourned for him heartily and honored him with a 
costly burial. 
^X^After the death of this king an interregnum fol- 
-^lowed, during which the senate ruled again, but it 
was not long before the Sabines chose as king a 
Roman, Tullus Hostilius, grandson of that Hostus 
Hostilius who had won distinction in the war with 
the Sabines. The new sovereign thought that the 
nation was losing its noble prestige through the 
quietness with which it lived among its neighbors, 
and therefore he embraced every opportunity to stir 

* We shall find that in the course of time this arrangement of the 
year proved very faulty in its turn, and that Julius Caesar made 
another effort to reform it. (See page 247.) 



up war with the surrounding peoples, and success 
followed his campaigns. The peasants between Rome 
and Alba* afforded him the first pretext, by plun- 
dering each other's lands. The Albans were ready 
to settle the difficulty in a peaceful manner, but Tul- 
lus, determined upon aggrandizement, refused all 
overtures. It was much like a civil war, for both 
nations were of Trojan origin, according to the tra- 
ditions. The Albans pitched their tents within five 
miles of Rome, and built a trench about the city. 
The armies were drawn up ready for battle, when the 
Alban leader came out and made a speech, in which 
he said that as both Romans and Sabines were sur- 
rounded by strange nations who would like to see 
them weakened, as they would undoubtedly be by 
the war, he proposed that the question which should 
rule the other, ought to be decided in some less de- 
structive way. 

It happened that there were in the army of the 
Romans three brothers known as the Horatii, of the 
same age as three others in the Alban army called 
the Curiatii, and it was agreed that these six should 
fight in the place of the two armies. At the first clash 
of arms two of the Romans fell lifeless, though 
every one of the Curiatii was wounded. This 
caused the Sabines to exult, especially as they saw 
the remaining Roman apparently running away. 
The flight of Horatius was, however, merely 
feigned, in order to separate the opposing brothers, 
whom he met as they followed him, and killed in 

*Alba became, the chief of a league of thirty Latin cities, lying in 
the southern part of the great basin through which the Tiber finds its 
way to the sea, between Etruria and Campania. 




mm w#M"i 

i' •; i 






ill' j 

1 1 


succession. As he struck his sword into the last of 
the Albans, he exclaimed : " Two have I offered to 
the shades of my brothers ; the third will I offer to the 
cause of this war, that the Roman may rule over 
the Alban ! " A triumph * followed ; but it appears 
that a sister of Horatius, named Horatia, f was to 
have married one of the Curiatii, and when she met 
her victorious brother bearing as his plunder the 
military robe of her lover that she had wrought with 
her own hands, she tore her hair and uttered bitter 
exclamations. Horatius in his anger and impatience 
thrust her through with his sword, saying : " So 
perish every Roman woman who shall mourn an 
enemy ?" For this act, the victorious young man 
was condemned to death, but he appealed to the 
people, and they mitigated his sentence in conse- 
quence of his services to the state. 

Another war followed, with the Etruscans this 
time, and the Albans not behaving like true allies, 
their city was demolished and its inhabitants removed 
to Rome, where they L were assigned to the Ccelian 
Hill. Some of the more noble among them were 
enrolled among the Patricians, and the others were 
added to the Plebs, who then became for the first 
time an organic part of the social body, though not 

* A " triumph" was a solemn rejoicing after a victory, and included 
2,pompa, or procession of the general and soldiers on foot with their 
plunder. Triumphs seem to have been celebrated in some style in the 
earliest days of Rome. In later times they increased very much in 
splendor and costliness. 

f The Romans seem in one respect to have had little ingenuity in 
the matter of names, though generally they had too many of them, 
and formed that of a woman from the name of a man by simply chang- 
ing the end of it from the masculine form to the feminine. 


belonging to the Populus Romanus (or Roman Peo- 
ple), so called. On another occasion Tullus made 
war upon the Sabines and conquered them, but 
finally he offended the gods, and in spite of the fact 
that he bethought himself of the good Numa and 
began to follow his example, Jupiter smote him with 
a thunder-bolt and destroyed him and his house. 

Again an interregnum followed, and again a king 
was chosen, this time Ancus Marcius, a Sabine, grand- 
son of the good Numa, a man who strove to emulate 
the virtues of his ancestor. It is to be noticed that 
the four kings of Rome thus far are of two classes, 
the warlike and peaceful alternating in the legends. 
The neighbors expected that Ancus would not be a 
forceful king, and some of them determined to take 
advantage of his supposed weakness. He set himself 
to repair the neglected religion, putting up tables in 
the forum on which were written the ceremonial law, 
so that all might know its demands, and seeking to 
lead the people to worship the gods in the right 
spirit. Ancus seems to have united with his re- 
ligious character, however, a proper regard for the 
rights of the nation, and when the Latins who lived 
on the river Anio, made incursions into his domain, 
thinking that he would not notice it, in the ardor of his 
services at the temples and altars, he entered upon a 
vigorous and successful campaign, conquering several 
cities and removing their inhabitants, giving them 
homes on the Aventine Hill, thus increasing the 
lands that could be divided among the Romans and 
adding to the number of the Plebeians. Ancus 
founded a colony at Ostia at the mouth of the Tiber, 


and built a fortress on the Janiculum Hill, across the 
river, connecting it with the other regions by means 
of the first Roman bridge, called the Pons Sublicius, 
or in simple English, the wooden bridge. This is 
the one that the Romans wanted to cut down at a 
later period, as we shall see, and had great difficulty 
in destroying. Another relic of Ancus is seen in 
a chamber of the damp Mamertine prison under the 
Capitoline Hill, the first prison in the city, rendered 
necessary by the increase of crime. After a reign of 
twenty-four years, Ancus Martius died, and a new 
dynasty, of Etruscan origin, began to control the 
fortunes of the now rapidly growing nation. 



The city of Corinth, in Greece, was one of the 
most wealthy and enterprising on the Mediterranean 
in its day, and at about the time that Rome is said 
to have been founded, it entered upon a new period 
of commercial activity and foreign colonization. So 
many Greeks went to live on the islands around 
Italy, and on the shores of Italy itself, indeed, that 
that region was known as Magna Grcecia, or Great 
Greece, just as in our day we speak of Great Britain, 
when we wish to include not England only, but also 
the whole circle of lands under British rule. At this 
time of commercial activity there came into power 
in Corinth a family noted for its wealth and force 
no less than for the luxury in which it lived, and the 
oppression, too, with which it ruled the people. One 
of the daughters of the sovereign married out of the 
family, because she was so ill-favored that no one in 
her circle was willing to have her as wife. 

In due time the princess became the mother of a 
boy, of whom the oracle at Delphi prophesied that 
he should be a formidable opponent of the ruling 
dynasty. Whenever the oracle made such a proph- 
ecy about a child, it was customary for the ruler to 


try to make away with it, and that the ruler of Cor- 
inth did in this case. All efforts were unsuccessful, 
however, because his homely mother hid him in a 
chest when the spies came to the house. Now the 
Greek word for chest is kupsele, and therefore this 
boy was called Cypselus. He grew up to be a fine 
young man, and entered political life as champion of 
the people — the demos, as the Greeks would say, and 
was therefore a democratic politician.* 

He opposed the aristocratic rulers, and at last suc- 
ceeded in overturning their government and getting 
into the position of supreme ruler himself. He ruled 
thirty years in peace, and was so much loved by the 
Corinthians that he went about among them in safe- 
ty without any body-guard. 

When Cypselus came into power the citizens of 
Corinth who belonged to the aristocratic family were 
obliged to go elsewhere, somewhat as those princes 
called emigres (emigrants) left France during the Rev- 
olution, in 1789. One of them, whose name was Dem- 
aratus, a wealthy and intelligent merchant, concluded 
to go westward, to Magna Graecia, into the part of the 
world from which his ships had brought him his rev- 
enues. Accordingly, accompanied by his family, a 
great retinue, and some artists and sculptors, he 
sailed away for Italy and settled at the Etruscan 
town of Tarquinii. He did not go more than five or 
six hundred miles from home, but his enterprise was 

• A politician is a person versed in the science of government, from 
the Greek words polis, a city, politcs, a citizen. Though a very hon- 
orable title, it has been debased in familiar usage until it has come to 
mean in turn a partisan, a dabbler in public affairs, and even an art- 
ful trickster. 


as marked as that of our fathers was considered 
when, in the last generation, they removed from 
New York to Chicago, though the distance was not 
nearly so great. No wonder Demaratus thought 
that it would be a comfort to have with him some of 
the artists and sculptors whose genius had made his 
Corinthian home beautiful. 

As he had come to Tarquinii to spend all his days, 
Demaratus married a lady of the place, and she 
became the mother of a son, Lucomo. When this 
young man grew up, he found that, though a native 
of the city, he was looked upon as a foreigner on his 
father's account, and that, though he belonged to a 
family of the highest rank and wealth through his 
mother's connections, he was excluded from political 
power and influence. He had inherited the love of 
authority that had possessed his father's ancestors, 
and as his father had migrated from home to gain 
peace, he felt no reluctance in leaving Tarquinii in 
the hope of gaining the power he thought his 
wealth and pedigree entitled him to. There was no 
more attractive field for his ambition than Rome 
presented, and Lucomo probably knew that that city 
had been from its very foundation an asylum for 
strangers. Thither, therefore, he decided to take 

We can imagine the removal, as the long proces- 
sion of chariots and footmen slowly passed over the 
fifty miles that separated Tarquinii from Rome. 
Just above Civita Vecchia you may see on your 
modern map of Italy a town called Corneto, and a 
mile *rom that, perhaps, another named Turchina, 


which is all that remains of the old town in which 
Lucomo lived. Even now relics of the Tarquinians 
arc found there, and there are many in the museums 
of Europe that illustrate the ancient civilization of 
the Etruscans, which was greater at this time than 
that of the Romans. On his journey Lucomo was 
himself seated in a chariot with his wife Tanaquil, 
whom he seems to have honored very highly, and 
the long train of followers stretched behind them. 
It represented all that great wealth directed by con- 
siderable cultivation could purchase, and must have 
formed an imposing sight. Rome was approached 
from the south side of the Tiber, by the way of the 
Janiculum Hill and over the wooden bridge. 

When the emigrants reached the Janiculum, and 
saw the hills and the modest temples of Rome be- 
fore them, an eagle, symbol of royalty, flew down, 
and gently stooping, took off Lucomo's cap. Then, 
after having flown around the chariot with loud 
screams, it replaced it, and was soon lost again in 
the blue heavens. It was as though it had been 
sent by the gods to encourage the strangers to ex- 
pect good fortune in their new home. Tanaquil, 
who was well versed in the augury of her country- 
men, embraced her husband ; told him from what 
divinity the eagle had come, and from what aus- 
picious quarter of the heavens; and said that it had 
performed its message about the highest part of the 
body, which was in itself prophetic of good. 

Considerable impression must have been made 
upon the subjects of Ancus Martius as the distin- 
guished stranger and his long suite entered the city 


over the bridge, and when Lucomo bought a fine 
house, and showed himself affable and courteous, he 
was received with a cordial welcome, and soon ad- 
mitted to the rights of a Roman citizen. Seldom 
had the town received so acceptable an addition to 
its population. Lucomo soon changed his name to 
Lucius Tarquinius, and to this, in after years, when 
there were two of the same family name, the word 
Priscus, or Elder, was added. Tarquinius, as we 
may now call him, flattered the Romans by invita- 
tions to his hospitable mansion, where his entertain- 
ments added greatly to his popularity, and in time 
Ancus himself heard of his acts of kindness, and 
added his name to the list of the new citizen's inti- 
mate friends. Tarquinius was admitted by the king to 
private as well as public deliberations about matters 
of foreign and domestic importance, and doubtless 
his knowledge of other countries stood him in good 
stead on these occasions. 

The stranger had taken the king and people by 
storm, and when Ancus died, he left his sons to the 
guardianship of Tarquinius, and the Populus Ro- 
manus chose him to be their king. Thus Rome 
came to have at the head of its affairs a man not a 
Roman nor a Sabine, but a citizen of Greek extrac- 
tion, who was familiar with a much higher state of 
civilization than was known on the banks of the 
Tiber. The result is seen in the great strides in 
advance that the city took during his reign. The 
architectural grandeur of Rome dates its beginning 
from this time. Tarquinius laid out vast drains to 
draw away the water that stood in the Lacus Cur- 


tius, between the Capitoline and the Palatine hills, 
and these remain to this day, as any one who has 
visited Rome remembers — the mouth of the Cloaca 
Maxima (the great sewer) being one of the remarka- 
ble sights there. The king also drained other parts 
of the city ; vowed to build, and perhaps began, the 
temple on the Capitoline; built a wall about the 
city, and erected the permanent buildings on the 
great forum. These works involved vast labor and 
expense, and must have been very burdensome to 
the people. Like other oppressive monarchs, Tar- 
quinius planned games and festivities to amuse 
them. He enlarged the Circus Maximus, and im- 
ported boxers and horses from his native country 
to perform at games there, which were afterwards 
celebrated annually. Besides these victories of 
peace, this king conquered the people about him, 
and greatly added to the number of his subjects. 
He for the first time instituted the formal "tri- 
umph," as it was afterwards celebrated, riding into 
the city after a victory in a chariot drawn by four 
white horses, and wearing a robe bespangled with 
gold. He brought in also the augural science of 
his country, which had been only partially known 

While Tarquinius was thus adding to the great- 
ness of Rome, there appeared in the palace one of 
those marvels that the early historians delighted to 
relate, such as, indeed, mankind in all ages has been 
pleased with. A boy was asleep in the portico when 
a flame was seen encircling his little head, and the 
attendants were about to throw water upon it, when 





the queen interfered, forbidding the boy to be dis- 
turbed. She then brought the matter to the notice 
of her husband, saying: " Do you see this boy whom 
we are so meanly bringing up? He is destined to 
be a light in our adversity, and a help in our dis- 
tress. Let us care for him, for he will become a 
great ornament to us and to the state." Tarquinius 
knew well the importance of his wife's advice, and 
educated the boy, whose name was Servius Tullius, 
in a way befitting a royal prince. In the course of 
time he married the king's daughter, and found him- 
self in favor with the people as well as with his royal 

For all the forty years of the prosperous reign of 
Tarquinius, the traditions would have us believe, the 
two sons of Ancus had been nursing their wrath and 
inwardly boiling over with indignation because they 
had been deprived of the kingship, and now, as they 
saw the popularity of young Servius, they determined 
to wrench the crown from him after destroying the 
king. They therefore sent two shepherds into his 
presence, who pretended to wish advice about a 
matter in dispute. While one engaged Tarquin's 
attention, the other struck him a fatal blow with his 
axe. The queen was, however, quick-witted enough 
to keep them from enjoying the fruit of their perfidy, 
for she assured the people from a window that the 
king was not killed but only stunned, and that for 
the present he desired them to obey the directions 
of Servius Tullius. She then called upon the young 
man to let the celestial flame with which the gods 
had surrounded his head in his youth arouse him to 


action. " The kingdom is yours ! " she exclaimed ; 
" if you have no plans of your own, then follow 
mine ! " For several days the king's death was con- 
cealed, and Servius took his place on the throne, de- 
ciding some cases, and in regard to others pretending 
that he would consult Tarquinius (B.C. 578). Thus 
he made the senate and the people accustomed to 
seeing him at the head of affairs, and when the 
actual fact was allowed to transpire, Servius took 
possession of the kingdom with the consent of the 
senate, but without that of the people, which he did 
not ask. This was the first king who ascended the 
throne without the suffrages of the Populus 
Romanus. The sons of Ancus went into banishment, 
and the royal power, which had passed from the 
Romans to the Etruscans, now fell into the hands of 
a man of unknown citizenship, though he has been 
described as a native of Corniculum, one of the 
mountain towns to the northeast of Rome, which is 
never heard of excepting in connection with this 



WHATEVER may have been the origin of the 
new king, he was evidently not of the ruling class, 
the Populus Romanus, and for this reasonvhis sym- 
pathies were naturally with the Plebeians, or, as they 
would now be called, the Commons. The long reign 
of Servius was marked by the victories of peace, 
though he was involved in wars with the surrounding 
nations, in which he was successful. These conquests 
seemed to fix the king more firmly upon the throne, 
but they did not render him much less desirous of 
obtaining the good-will of his subjects, and they 
never seemed to tempt him to exercise his power in 
a tyrannical manner. He thought that by marrying 
his two daughters to two sons of Tarquin, he might 
make his position on the throne more secure, and he 
accomplished this intention, but it failed to benefit 
him as he had expected. 

Besides adding largely to the national territory, 
Servius brought the thirty cities of Latium into a 
great league with Rome, and built a temple on the 
Aventine consecrated to Diana (then in high renown 
at Ephesus), at which the Romans, Latins, and 
Sabincs should worship together in token of their 


unity as one civil brotherhood, though it was under- 
stood that the Romans were chief in rank. On a 
brazen pillar in this edifice the terms of the treaty on 
which the league was based were written, and there 
they remained for centuries. The additions to 
Roman territory gave Servius an opportunity of 
strengthening his hold upon the commons, for he 
took advantage of it to cause a census to be taken 
under the direction of two Censors, on the basis of 
which he made new divisions of the people, and new 
laws by which the plebeians came into greater 
prominence than they had enjoyed before. The 
census showed that the city and suburbs contained 
eighty-three thousand inhabitants. 

The increase of population led to the extension of 
the pomcerium, and Servius completed the city by 
including within a wall of stone all of the celebrated 
seven hills* — the Palatine, Aventine, Capitoline., 
Ccelian, Quirinal, Viminal, and Esquilian, — for> 
though new suburbs grew up beyond this wall, the 
legal limits of the city were not changed until the 
times of the empire. 

The inhabitants within the walls were divided into 
four " regions," or districts — the Palatine, the Col- 
line, the Esquiline, and the Suburran. The sub- 
jected districts outside, which were inhabited by 
plebeians, were divided into twenty-six other regions, 
thus forming thirty tribes containing both plebeians 

* The "seven hills" were not always the same. In earlier times 
they had been : Palatinus, Cermalus, Velia, Fagutal, Oppius, Cispius, 
and Coelius. Oppius and Cispius, were names of summits of the 
Esquiline ; Velia was a spur of the Palatine ; Cermalus and Fagutal, 
according to Niebuhr, were not hills at all. 



and patricians. The census gave Servius a list of all 
the citizens and their property, and upon the basis 
of this information he separated the entire popula- 
tion into six classes, comprising one hundred and 
ninety-three subdivisions or " centuries," thus intro- 
ducing a new principle, and placing wealth at the 
bottom of social distinctions, instead of birth. This 
naturally pleased the plebeians, but was not approved 
by the citizens of high pedigree, who thus lost some of 
their prestige. The newly formed centuries together 
constituted the Comitia Centuriata (gathering of the 
centuries), or National Assembly, which met for 
business on the Campus Martius, somewhat after 
the manner of a New England " Town Meeting." 
In these conclaves they elected certain magistrates, 
gave sanction to legislative acts, and decided upon 
wa.r or peace. This Comitia formed the highest 
court of appeal known to Roman law. 

Besides this general assembly of the entire Populus 
Romanus, Servius established a Comitia in each 
tribe, authorized to exercise jurisdiction in local 

The first of the six general classes thus established 
comprised the Horsemen, Equites, Knights, cr 
Cavalry, consisting of six patrician centuries of 
Equites established by Romulus, and twelve new 
ones formed from the principal plebeian families. 
Next in rank to them were eighty centuries com- 
posed of persons owning property (not deducting 
debts) to the amount of one hundred thousand ases 
(as, copper, brass, bronze), and two centuries of 
persons not possessed of wealth, but simply Fabrdm y 


or workmen who manufactured things out of hard 
material, so important to the state were such con- 
sidered at the time. One would not think it very 
difficult to get admission to this high class, when it is 
remembered that an as (originally a pound of copper 
in weight)* was worth but about a cent and a 
half, and that a hundred thousand such coins would 
amount to only about fifteen hundred dollars; 
though, of course, we should have to make allowance 
for the price of commodities if we wished to arrive 
at the exact value in the money of our time. The 
second, third, and fourth centuries were arranged on 
a descending grade of property qualification, and the 
fifth comprised those persons whose property was 
not worth less than twelve thousand five hundred 
ases, or about two hundred dollars. The sixth class 
included all whose possessions did not amount to 
even so little as this. These were called Prolctarii 
or Capite Censorum ; caput, the Latin for head, being 
used in reference to these unimportant citizens for 
" person," as farmers use it nowadays when they 
enumerate animals as so many " head." 

Though the new arrangement of Servius Tullius 
gave the plebeians power, it did not give them so 
much as might be supposed, because it was contrived 
that the richest class should have the greatest number 
of votes, and they with the Equites had so many 
that they were able to carry any measure upon which 
they agreed. The older men, too, had an advantage, 

* The English word ace gets its meaning, "one," from the fact 
that in Latin as signified the unit either of weight or measure. Two 
and a half ases were equal to a sestertius, and ten ases (or four sester- 
ces) equalled one denarius, worth about sixteen cents. 


for every class was divided into Seniors and Juniors, 
each of which had an equal number of votes, though 
it is apparent that the seniors must have been always 
in the minority. Servius did not dare to abolish the 
old Comitia Curiata, and he felt obliged to enact 
that the votes of the new Comitia should be valid 
only after having received the sanction of the more 
ancient body. Thus it will be seen that there were 
three assemblies, with sovereignty well defined. 

The armor of the different classes was also ac- 
curately ordered by the law. The first class was 
authorized to wear, for the defence of the body, 
brazen helmets, shields, and coats of mail, and to 
bear spears and swords, excepting the mechanics, 
who were to carry the necessary military engines 
and to serve without arms. The members of the 
second class, excepting that they had bucklers 
instead of shields and wore no coats of mail, were 
permitted to bear the same armor, and to carry 
the sword and spear. The third class had the same 
armor as the second, excepting that they could not 
wear greaves for the protection of their legs. The 
fourth had no arms excepting a spear and a long 
javelin. The fifth merely carried slings and stones 
for use in them. To this class belonged the trum- 
peters and horn-blowers. 

These reforms were very important, and very rea- 
sonable, too, but though they gained for the king 
many friends, it was rather among the plebeians 
than among the more wealthy patricians, and from 
time to time hints were thrown out that the consent 
of the people had not been asked when Servius took 

£ & 


his seat upon the throne, and that without it his 
right to the power he wielded was not complete. 
There was a very solemn and striking ceremony on 
the Campus Martius after the census had been fin- 
ished. It was called the Lustration or Suovetaurilia. 
The first name originated from the fact that the cere- 
mony was a purification of the people by water, and 
the second because the sacrifice on the occasion con- 
sisted of a pig, a sheep, and an ox, the Latin names 
of which were sus, ovis, and taurus, these being run 
together in a single manufactured word. Words are 
not easily made to order, and this one shows how 
awkward they are when they do not grow naturally. 

On the completion of the census (b.c. 566) Servius 
ordered the members of all the Centuries to assemble 
on the Campus Martius, which was enclosed in a bend 
of the Tiber outside of the walls that he built. They 
came in full armor, according to rank, and the sight 
must have been very grand and impressive. Three 
days were occupied in the celebration. Three times 
were the pig, the sheep, and the bull carried around 
the great multitude, and then, amid the flaunting of 
banners, the burning of incense, and the sounding of 
trumpets, the libation was poured forth, and the in- 
offensive beasts were sacrificed for the purification 
of the people. Once every five years the inhabitants 
were thus counted, and once in five years were they 
also purified, and in this way it came to pass that 
that period was known as a lustrum. 

Uneasy lies the head that wears a crown, says the 
proverb, and it was true in the case of Servius, for he 
could never forget that the people had not voted in 


his favor. For this reason he divided among them 
the lands that he had taken from the enemies he 
had defeated, and then, supposing that he had ob- 
tained their good-will, he called upon them to vote 
whether they chose and ordered that he should be 
king. When the votes came to be counted, Servius 
found that he had been chosen with a unanimity 
that had not been manifested before in the selection 
of a sovereign. Whatever confidence he may have 
derived from this vote, his place was not secure, and 
his fatal enemy proved to be in his own household. 
It happened that of the two husbands of the 
daughters of Servius, one was ambitious and unprin- 
cipled, and the other quiet and peaceable. The 
same was true of their wives, only the unprincipled 
wife found herself mated with the well-behaving hus- 
band. Now the wicked wife agreed with the wicked 
husband that they should murder their partners and 
then marry together, thus making a pair, both mem- 
bers of which should be ambitious and without prin- 
ciple. This was accomplished, and then the wicked 
wife, whose name was Tullia, told her husband, 
whose name was Lucius Tarquinius, that what she 
wanted was not a husband whom she might live with 
in quiet like a slave, but one who would remember of 
whose blood he was, who would consider that he was 
the rightful king ; and that if he would not do it he 
had better go back to Tarquinii or Corinth and sink 
into his original race, thus shaming his father and 
Tanaquil, who had bestowed thrones upon her hus- 
band and her son-in-law. The taunts and instiga- 
tions of Tullia led Lucius to solicit the younger pa- 


tricians to support him in making an effort for the 
throne. When he thought he had obtained a suffi- 
cient number of confederates, he one day rushed into 
the forum at an appointed time, accompanied by a 
body of armed men, and, in the midst of a commo- 
tion that ensued, took his seat upon the throne and 
ordered the senate to attend " King Tarquinius." 
That august body convened very soon, some having 
been prepared beforehand for the summons, and 
then Tarquinius began a tirade against Servius, whom 
he stigmatized as " a slave and the son of a slave," 
who had favored the most degraded classes, and had, 
by instituting the census, made the fortunes of the 
better classes unnecessarily conspicuous, so as to 
excite the envy and base passions of the meaner 

Servius came to the senate-house in the midst of 
the harangue, and called to Lucius to know by what 
audacity he had taken the royal seat, and summoned 
the senate during the life of the sovereign. Lucius 
replied in an insulting manner, and, taking advantage 
of the king's age, seized him by the middle, carried 
him out, and threw him down the steps to the bot- 
tom ! Almost lifeless, Servius was slain by emissa- 
ries of Lucius as he was making his way to his home 
on the Esquiline Hill (B.C. 534) The royal retinue, 
in their fright, left the body where it fell, and there 
it was when Tullia, returning from having congratu- 
lated her husband, reached the place. Her driver, 
terrified at the sight, stopped, and would have avoid- 
ed the king's corpse, though the narrowness of the 
street made it difficult ; but the insane daughter or- 



dered him to drive on, and stained and sprinkled 
herself with her father's blood, which seemed to cry 
out for vengeance upon such a cruel act ! The ven- 
geance came speedily, as we shall see. 


Tl-IE new king was a tyrant. He was elected by no 
general consent of the people he governed ; he al- 
lowed himself to be bound by no laws ; he recognized 
no limit to his authority ; and he surrounded himself 
with a body-guard for protection from the attacks of 
any who might wish to take the crown from him in 
the way that he had snatched it from his prede- 
cessor. As soon as possible after coming to the 
throne, he swept away all privilege and right that 
had been conceded to the commons, commanded 
that there should no longer be any of those assem- 
blages on the occasions of festivals and sacrifices that 
had before tended to unite the people and to break 
the monotony of their lives ; he put the poor at task- 
work, and mistrusted, banished, or murdered the 
rich. To strengthen the position of Rome as chief 
of the confederates cities, and his own position as the 
ruler of Rome, he gave his daughter to Octavius 
Mamilius of Tusculum to wife ; and to beautify the 
capital he warred against other peoples, and with 
their spoil pushed forward the work on the great 


temple on the Capitoline Hill,* a wonderful and 
massy structure. 

It is said that Amalthea, the mysterious sibyl of 
Cumae, one day came to Tarquin with nine sealed 
prophetical books (which, she said, contained the 
destiny of the Romans and the mode to bring it 
about), that she offered to sell. The king refused, 
naturally unwilling to pay for things that he could 
not examine ; and thereupon the unreasonable being 
went away and destroyed three of the volumes that 
she had described as of inestimable value. Soon af- 
ter she returned and offered the remaining six for the 
price that she had demanded for the nine. Once 
more, the tyrant declined the offer, and again the 
aged sibyl destroyed three, and demanded the origi- 
nal price for the remainder. The king's curiosity was 
now aroused, and he bought the three books, upon 
which the prophetess vanished. The volumes were 
placed under the new temple on the Capitoline, no 
one doubting that they actually contained precepts 
of the utmost importance. The wise-looking augurs 
came together, peered into the rolls, and told the king 
and the people that they were right, and age after 
age the books were appealed to for direction, though, 
as the people never were permitted even to peep into 
the sacred cell in which they were hidden, they never 
could be quite certain that the augurs who consulted 
them found any thing in them that they did not put 
there themselves. 

* This hill is said to have received its name from the fact that as the 
men were preparing for the foundation of the temple, they came upon 
a human head, fresh and bleeding, from which it was augured that thc 
spot was to become the head of the world. {Caput, a head.) 


While Tarquinius was going on with his great works, 
while he was oppressing his own people and conquer- 
ing his neighbors uninterruptedly, he was suddenly 
startled by a dire portent. A serpent crawled out 
from beneath the altar in his palace and coolly ate 
the flesh of the royal sacrifice. The meaning of this 
appalling omen could not be allowed to remain un- 
certain, and as no one in Italy was able to explain it, 
Tarquin sent to the oracle of Apollo at Delphi, to ask 
the signification. Delphi is a place situated in the 
midst of the most sublime scenery of Greece, just 
north of the Gulf of Corinth. Shut in on all sides by 
stupendous cliffs, among which flow the inspiring 
waters of the Castalian Spring, thousands of feet 
above which frowns the summit of Parnassus, on which 
Deucalion is said to have landed after the deluge, this 
romantic valley makes a deep impression on the mind 
of the visitor, and it is not strange that at an age 
when signs and wonders were looked for in every di- 
rection, it should have become the home of a sibyl. 

The king's messengers to Delphi were his two sons 
and a nephew named Lucius Junius Brutus, a young 
man who had saved his life by taking advantage 
of the fact that a madman was esteemed sacred by 
the Romans, and assuming an appearance of stu- 
pidity * at a time when his tyrannical uncle had put 
his brother to death that he might appropriate his 
wealth. Upon hearing the question of the king, the 
oracle said that the portent foretold the fall of Tar- 
quin. The sons then asked who should take his 

* Brutus in Latin means irrational, dull, stupid, brutish, which 
senses our word " brute " preserves. 

Ww A 











throne, and the reply was : " He who shall first kiss 
his mother." Brutus had propitiated the oracle by 
the present of a hollow stick filled with gold, and 
learned the symbolical meaning of this reply. The 
sons decided to allow their remaining brother Sextus 
to know the answer, and to determine by lot which 
of them should rule ; but Brutus kept his own coun- 
sel, and on reaching home, fell upon mother earth, as 
by accident, and kissed the ground, thus observing 
the terms of the oracle. 

The prophecy now hastened to its fulfilment. As 
the army lay before the town of Ardea, belonging to 
the Rutulians, south of Rome, a dispute arose among 
the sons of the king and their cousin Collatinus, as 
to which had the most virtuous wife. There being 
nothing to keep them in camp, the young men arose 
from their cups and rode to Rome, where they found 
the princesses at a banquet revelling amid flowers 
and wine. Lucretia, the wife of Collatinus, was 
found at Collatia among her maidens spinning, like 
the industrious wife described in the Proverbs. The 
evil passions of Sextus were aroused by the beauty 
of his cousin's wife, and he soon found an excuse to 
return to the home of Collatinus. He was hospitably 
entertained by Lucretia, who did not suspect the 
demon that he was, and one night he entered her 
apartment and with vile threats overcame her. In 
her terrible distress, Lucretia sent immediately for 
her father, Lucretius, and her husband, Collatinus. 
They came, each bringing a friend, Brutus being the 
companion of the outraged husband. To them, with 
bitter tears, Lucretia, clad in the garments of mourn- 


ing and almost beside herself with sorrow, told the 
story of crime, and, saying that she could not survive 
dishonor, plunged a knife into her bosom and fell in 
the agony of shame and death ! 

At this juncture Brutus threw off the assumed 
stupidity that had veiled the strength of his spirit, 
and taking up the reeking knife, exclaimed : " By this 
blood most pure, I swear, and I call you, O gods, to 
witness my oath, that I shall pursue Lucius Tarquin 
the Proud, his wicked wife, and all the race, with fire 
and sword, nor shall I permit them or any other to 
reign in Rome ! " So saying, the knife was handed 
to each of the others in turn, and they all took the 
same oath to revenge the innocent blood. The body 
of Lucretia was laid in the forum of Collatia, her 
home, and the populace, maddened by the sight, 
were easily persuaded to rise against the tyrant. A 
multitude was collected, and the march began to 
Rome, where a like excitement was stirred up ; a 
gathering at the forum was addressed by Brutus, 
who recalled to memory not only the story of 
Lucretia's wrongs, but also the horrid murder of 
Servius, and the blood-thirstiness of Tullia. On the 
Campus Martius the citizens met and decreed that 
the dignity of king should be forever abolished and 
the Tarquins banished. Tullia fled, followed by the 
curses of men and women ; Sextus found his way to 
Gabii, where he was slain ; and the tyrant himself 
took refuge in Caere, a city of Etruria, the country 
of his father. 

There is a tradition that it had been the intention 
of Servius to resign the kingly honor, and to institute 


in its stead the office of Consul, to be jointly held by 
two persons chosen annually. There seems to be 
some ground for this belief, because immediately 
after the banishment of the Tarquins, the republic was 
established with two consuls at its head.* The first 
to hold the highest office were Lucius Junius Brutus 
andLuciusTarquiniusCollatinus,husbandof Lucretia. 
Some time after Tarquin had fled to Caere, he 
found an asylum at Tarquinii, and from that city 
made an effort to stir up a conspiracy in his favor at 
Rome. He sent messengers ostensibly to plead for 
the restoration of his property, but really for the 
purpose of exciting treason. There were at Rome 
vicious persons who regretted that they were obliged 
to return to regular ways, and there were patricians 
who disliked to see the plebeians again enjoying 
their rights. Some of these were ready to take up 
the cause of the deposed tyrant. The conspirators 
met for consultation in one of the dark chambers of 
a Roman house, and their conference was overheard. 
They were brought before the consuls in the 
Comitium, and, to the dismay of Brutus, two of his 
own sons were found among the number. With the 
unswerving virtue of a Roman or a Spartan, he con- 
demned them to death, and they were executed be- 

* The custom of confiding the chief civil authority and the command 
of the army to two magistrates who were changed each year, was not 
given up as long as the republic endured, but towards its end, China 
maintained himself in the office alone for almost a year, and Pompey 
was appointed sole consul to keep him from becoming dictator. The 
authority of consul was usurped by both Cinna and Marius. The 
consuls were elected by the comitia of the centuries. They could not 
appear in public without the protection of twelve lictors, who bore 
bundles of twigs (fasces) and walked in single file before their chiefs. 


fore his eyes. The discovery of the plot of Tarquin 
put an end to his efforts to regain any foothold at 
Rome by peaceable methods, and he made the 
appeal to arms. These plots led to the banishment 
of the whole Tarquinian house, even the consul 
whose troubles had brought the result about being 
obliged to lay down his office and leave the city. 
Publius Valerius was appointed in his stead. For a 
time he was in office alone, and several times he was 
re-chosen. He was afterwards known as Poplicola, 
" the people's friend," on account of certain laws 
that he passed, limiting the power of the aristocrats 
and alleviating the condition of the plebeians.* 

In pursuance of his new plans, Tarquin obtained 
the help of the people of Veii and Tarquinii and 
marched against Rome. He was met by an army 
under Brutus, and a bloody battle was fought near 
Arsia. Brutus was killed and the Etruscans were 
about to claim the victory, when, in the night, the 
voice of the god Silvanus was heard saying that the 
killed among the Etruscans outnumbered by one 
man those of the Romans. Upon this the Etruscans 
fled, knowing that ultimate victory would not be 
theirs. This is not the way that a modern army 
would have acted. Valerius returned to Rome in 

* When Valerius was consul alone he began to build a house for 
himself on the Velian Hill, and a cry was raised that he intended to 
make himself king, upon which he stopped building. The people were 
ashamed of their conduct and granted him land to build on. One of 
his laws enacted that whoever should attempt to make himself king 
should be devoted to the gods, and that any one might kill him. When 
Valerius died he was mourned by the matrons for ten months. See 
Plutarch, Poplicola. 


triumph, and the matrons mourned Brutus as the 
avenger of Lucretia, an entire year. 

This is the time of heroes and of highly orna- 
mented lays, and we are not surprised to find truth 
covered up beneath a mass of fulsome bombast. It 
is related that Tarquinius now obtained the help of 
Prince or Lars Porsena of Clusium in Etruria, and 
with a large army proceeded undisturbed quite up to 
the Janiculum Hill on his march to Rome. There 
he found himself separated from the object of his 
long struggle only by the wooden bridge. We may 
picture to ourselves- the city stirred to its centre by 
the fearful prospect before it. The bridge that had 
been of so much use, that the pontifices had so care- 
fully built and preserved, must be cut away, or all 
was lost. At this critical juncture, the brave Hora- 
tlus Codes, with one on either hand, kept the enemy 
at bay while willing arms swung the axes against the 
supports of the structure, and when it was just 
ready to fall uttered a prayer to Father Tiber, 
plunged into the muddy torrent, fully armed as he 
was, and swam to the opposite shore amid the 
plaudits of the rejoicing people, as related in the 
ballad of Lord Macaulay. Then it was, too, that 
the people determined to erect a bridge which could 
be more readily removed in case of necessity. Baf- 
fled in this attempt to enter Rome, the enemy laid 
siege to the city, and as it was unprepared, it soon suf- 
fered the distress of famine. Then another brave man 
arose, Caius Mucius by name, and offered to go to 
the camp of the invaders and kill the hated king. 
He was able to speak the Etruscan language, and felt 
that a little audacity was all that he needed to carry 


his mission out safely. Though he went boldly, he 
killed a secretary dressed in purple, instead of his 
master, and was caught and threatened with torture. 
Putting his right hand into the fire on the altar near 
by, he held it there until it was destroyed,* and said 
that suffering had no terrors for him, nor for three 
hundred of his companions who had all vowed to kill 
the king. The Roman writers say that, thereupon 
Porsena took hostages from them and made peace. 
It is true that peace was made, but Rome was 
forced to agree not to use iron except in cultivating 
the earth, and she lost ten of her thirty " regions," 
being all the territory that the kings had conquered 
on the west bank of the Tiber, f 

Tarquin had been foiled in his attempts to regain 
his throne, but still he tried again, the last time 
having the aid of his son-in-law, Mamilius of Tuscu- 
lum. It was a momentous juncture. The weakened 
Romans were to encounter the combined powers of 
the thirty Latin cities that had formerly been in 
league with them. They needed the guidance of 
one strong man ; but they had decreed that there 
should never be a king again, and so they appointed 
a "dictator" with unlimited power, for a limited 
time. We shall find them resorting to this expedient 
on other occasions of sudden and great trouble. A 
fierce struggle followed at Lake Regillus, in which 
the Latins were turned to flight through the inter- 
vention of Castor and Pollux, who fought at the 
head of the Roman knights on foaming white steeds. 
There was no other quarter to which Tarquinius 

* Mucius was after this called Scasvola, the left-handed. 
f See Niebuhr's Lectures, chapter xxiv. 


could turn for help, and he therefore fled to Cumae, 
where he died after a wretched old age. A temple 
was erected on the field of the battle of Lake Re- 
gillus in honor of Castor and Pollux, and thither 
annually on the fifteenth of July the Roman knights 
were wont to pass in solemn procession, in memory 
of the fact that the twins had fought at the head of 
their columns in the day of distress when fortune 
seemed to be about to desert the national cause. At 
this battle Caius Marcius, a stripling descended from 
Ancus Marcius, afterwards known as Coriolanus, re- 
ceived the oaken crown awarded to the man who 
should save the life of a Roman citizen, because he 
struck down one of the Latins, in the presence of the 
commander, just as he was about to kill a Roman 

In the year 504 B.C., there was in the town of 
Regillum, a man of wealth and importance, who, at 
the time of the war with the Sabines, had advocated 
peace, and as his fellow-citizens were firmly opposed 
to him, left them, accompanied by a long tram of 
followers (much as we suppose the first Tarqum left 
Tarquinii), and took up his abode in Rome. The 
name of this man was Atta Clausus, or perhaps Atta 
Claudius, but, however that may be, he was known 
at Rome as Appius Claudius. He was received into 
the ranks of the patricians, ample lands were as- 
signed to him and his followers, and he became the 
ancestor of one of the most important Roman fam- 
ilies, that of Claudius, noted through a long history 
for its hatred of the plebeians. His line lasted some 
five centuries, as we shall have occasion to observe. 



THE establishment of the republic marked an era 
in the history of Rome. The people had decreed, as 
has been said, that for them there never should be a 
king, and the law was kept to the letter ; though, if 
they meant that supreme authority should never be 
held among them by one man, it was violated many 
times. The story of Rome is unique in the history 
of the world, for it is not the record of the life of one 
great country, but of a city that grew to be strong 
and successfully established its authority over many 
countries. The most ancient and the most remote 
from the sea of the cities of Latium, Rome soon be- 
came the most influential, and began to combine in 
itself the traits of the peoples near it ; but owing to 
the singular strength and rare impressiveness of the 
national character, these were assimilated, and the 
inhabitant of the capital remained distinctively a 
Roman in spite of his intimate association with men 
of different origin and training. 

The citizen of Rome was practical, patriotic, and 
faithful to obligation ; he loved to be governed by in- 
flexible law; and it was a fundamental principle with 
him that the individual should be subordinate to the 


state. His kings were either organizers, like Numa 
and Ancus Marcius, or warriors, like Romulus and 
Tullus Hostilius ; they either made laws, like Servius, 
or they enforced them with the despotism of Tar- 
quinius Superbus. It is difficult for us to conceive 
of such a majestic power emanating from a territory 
so insignificant. We hardly realize that Latium did 
not comprise a territory quite fifty miles by one hun- 
dred in extent, and that it was but a hundred miles 
from the Mediterranean to the Adriatic. It was but 
a short walk from Rome to the territory of the 
Etruscans, and when Tarquin found an asylum at 
Caere, he did not separate himself by twenty miles 
from the scene of his tyranny. Ostia was scarcely 
more distant, and one might have ridden before the 
first meal of the day to Lavinium, or Alba, or Veii, 
or to Ardea, the ancient city of the Rutuli. It is 
important to keep these facts in mind as we read the 
story of the remarkable city. 

All towns wore built on hills in these early days, 
for safety in case of war, as well as because the val- 
leys were insalubrious, but this is not a peculiarity of 
the Romans, for in New England in the late ages of 
our own ancestors they were obliged to follow the 
same custom. On the tops and slopes of seven hills, 
as they liked to remind themselves, the Romans built 
their city. They were not impressive elevations, 
though their sides were sharp and rocky, for the 
loftiest rose less than three hundred feet above the 
sea level. Their summits were crowned with groves 
of beech trees and oaks, and in the lower lands grew 
osiers and other smaller varieties. 


The earlier occupations of the Roman people 
were war and agriculture, or the pasturage of flocks 
and herds. They raised grapes and made wines ; 
they cultivated the oil olive and knew the use of its 
fruit. They found copper in their soil and made a 
pound (as) of it their unit of value, but it was so cheap 
that ten thousand ases were required to buy a war 
horse, though cattle and sheep were much lower. 
They yoked their oxen and called the path they 
occupied ^jugcrum (jugiim, a cross-beam, or a yoke), 
and this in time came to be their familiar standard of 
square measure, containing about two thirds of an 
acre. Two of these were assigned to a citizen, and 
seven were the narrow limit to which only one's 
landed possessions were for a long time allowed to 
extend. In time commerce was added to the pur- 
suits of the men, and with it came fortunes and 
improved dwellings and public buildings. 

Laziness and luxury were frowned upon by the 
early Romans. Mistress and maid worked together 
in the affairs of the household, like Lucretia and 
other noble women of whom history tells, and the 
man did not hesitate to hold the plow, as the exam- 
ple of Cincinnatus will show us. Time was precious, 
and thrift and economy were necessary to success. 
The father was the autocrat in the household, and 
exercised his power with stern rigidity. 

Art was backward and came from abroad ; of lit- 
erature there was none, long after Greece had passed 
its period of heroic poetry. The dwellings of the 
citizens were low and insignificant, though as time 
passed on they became more massive and important. 


The vast public structures of the later kings were 
comparable to the task-work of the builders of the 
Egyptian pyramids, and they still strike us with as- 
tonishment and surprise. 

The religion of these strong conquerors was nar- 
row, severe, and dreary. The early fathers wor- 
shipped native deities only. They recognized gods 
everywhere — in the home, in the grove, and on the 
mountain. They erected their altars on the hills; 
they had their Lares and Penates to watch over 
their hearthstones, and their Vestal Virgins kept 
everlasting vigil near the never-dying fires in the 
temples. With the art of Greece that made itself 
felt through Etruria, came also the influence of the 
Grecian mythology, and Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva 
found a shrine on the top of the Capitoline, where 
the first statue of a deity was erected. The mysteri- 
ous Sibylline Books are also a mark of the Grecian 
influence, coming from Cumae, a colony of Magna 

During the period we have considered, the city 
passed through five distinct stages of political organ- 
ization. The government at first, as we have seen, 
was an elective monarchy, the electors being a patri- 
archal aristocracy. After the invasion of the Sabines, 
there was a union with that people, the sovereignty 
being held by rulers chosen from each ; but it was not 
long before Rome became the head of a federal 
state. The Tarquins established a monarchy, which 
rapidly degenerated into an offensive tyranny, which 
aroused rebellion and at last led to the republic. 
We have noted that in Greece in the year 510 B.C., 


the tyranny of the family of Pisistratus was likewise 

During all these changes, the original aristocrats 
and their descendants firmly held their position as 
the Populus Romanus, the Roman People, insist- 
ing that every one else must belong to an inferi- 
or order, and, as no body of men is willing to be 
condemned to a hopelessly subordinate position in 
a state, there was a perpetual antagonism between 
the patricians and the plebeians, between the aris- 
tocracy and the commonalty. This led to a tempo- 
rary change under Servius Tullius, when property 
took the place of pedigree in establishing a man's 
rank and influence ; but, owing to the peculiar 
method of voting adopted, the power of the com- 
mons was not greatly increased. However, they 
had made their influence felt, and were encouraged. 
The overturning of the scheme by Tarquin favored 
a union of the two orders for the punishment of that 
tyrant, and they combined; but it was only for a 
time. When the danger had been removed, the tie 
was found broken and the antagonism rather in- 
creased, so that the subsequent history for five gen- 
erations, though exceedingly interesting, is largely 
a record of the struggles of the commons for relief 
from the burdens laid upon them by the aristocrats. 

The father passed down to his son the story of the 
oppression of the patricians, and the son told the 
same sad narrative to his offspring. The mother 
mourned with her daughter over the sufferings 
brought upon them by the rich, for whom their poof 
father and brothers were obliged to fight the battles 


while they were not allowed to share the spoil, nor 
to divide the lands gained by their own prowess. 
The struggle was not so much between patrician and 
plebeian as between the rich and the poor. It was 
intimately connected with the uses of money in 
those times. What could the rich Roman do with 
his accumulations? He might buy land or slaves, or 
he might become a lender; to a certain extent he 
could use his surplus in commerce ; but of these its 
most remunerative employment was found in usury. 
As there were no laws regulating the rates of inter- 
est, they became exorbitant, and, as it was custo- 
mary to compound it, debts rapidly grew beyond 
the possibility of payment. As the rich made the 
laws, they naturally exerted their ingenuity to frame 
them in such a way as to enable the lender to col- 
lect his dues with promptness, and with little regard 
for the feelings or interests of the debtor. 

It is difficult, if not impossible, for us to form a 
proper conception of the magnitude of the wrongs 
involved in the system of money-lending at Rome 
during the period of the republic. The small farm- 
ers were ever needy, and came to their wealthy 
neighbors for accommodation loans. If these were 
not paid when due, the debtor was liable to be 
locked up in prison, to be sold into slavery, with his 
children, wife, and grandchildren ; and the heartless 
law reads, that in case the estate should prove in- 
sufficient to satisfy all claims, the creditors were 
actually authorized to cut the body topieces, that each 
Shylock might take the pound of flesh that he claimed. 

At last the severity of the lenders overreached it 


self. It was in the year four hundred and ninety- 
five, B.C., that a poor, but brave debtor, one who had 
been at the very front in the wars, broke out of his 
prison, and while the wind flaunted his rags in the 
face of the populace, clanked his chains and told the 
story of his calamities so effectually in words of 
natural eloquence, that the commons were aroused 
to madness, and resolved at last to make a vigorous 
effort and seek redress for their wrongs in a way that 
could not be resisted. The form of this man stands 
out forever on the pages of Roman history, as he 
entered the forum with all the badges of his misery 
upon him.* His pale and emaciated body was but 
partially covered by his wretched tatters ; his long 
hair played about his shoulders, and his glaring eyes 
and the grizzled beard hanging down before him 
added to his savage wildness. As he passed along, 
he uncovered the scars of near twoscore battles that 
remained upon his breast, and explained to enquirers 
that while he had been serving in the Sabine war, his 
house had been pillaged and burned by the enemy; 
that when he had returned to enjoy the sweets of 
the peace he had helped to win, he .had found that 
his cattle had been driven off, and a tax imposed. 
To meet the debts that thronged upon him, and the 
interest by which they were aggravated, he had 
stripped himself of his ancestral farms. Finally, 
pestilence had overtaken him, and as he was not 
able to work, his creditor had placed him in a house 
of detention, the savage treatment in which was 
shown by the fresh stripes upon his bleeding back, 

* See Livy, Book II., chapter xxiii. 


At the moment a war was imminent, and the 
forum — the entire city, in fact — already excited, was 
filled with the uproar of the angry plebeians. Many 
confined for debt broke from their prison houses, 
and ran from all quarters into the crowds to claim 
protection. The majesty of the consuls was insuffi- 
cient to preserve order, and while the discord was 
rapidly increasing, horsemen rushed into the gates 
announcing that an enemy was actually upon them, 
marching to besiege the city. The plebeians saw that 
their opportunity had arrived, and when proud Ap- 
pius Claudius called upon them to enroll their names 
for the war, they refused the summons, saying that 
the patricians might fight their own battles ; that for 
themselves it was better to perish together at home 
rather than to go to the field and die separated. 
Threatened with war beyond the gates, and with 
riot at home, the patricians were forced to promise 
to redress the civil grievances. It was ordered that 
no one could seize or sell the goods of a soldier 
while he was in camp, or arrest his children or grand- 
children, and that no one should detain a citizen in 
prison or in chains, so as to hinder him from enlist- 
ing in the army. When this was known, the released 
prisoners volunteered in numbers, and entered upon 
the war with enthusiasm. The legions were vic- 
torious, and when peace was declared, the plebeians 
anxiously looked for the ratification of the promises 
made to them. 

Their expectations were disappointed. They had, 
however, seen their power, and were determined to 
act upon their new knowledge. Without undue 


haste, they protected their homes on the Aventine, 
and retreated the next year to a mountain across 
the Anio, about three miles from the city, to a spot 
which afterwards held a place in the memories of 
the Romans similar to that which the green meadow 
on the Thames called Runnymede has held in Brit 
ish history since the June day when King John met 
his commons there, and gave them the great charter 
of their liberties. 

The plebeians said calmly that they would no 
longer be imposed upon ; that not one of them 
would thereafter enlist for a war until the public 
faith were made good. They reiterated the declara- 
tion that the lords might fight their own battles, so 
that the perils of conflict should lie where its advan- 
tages were. When the situation of affairs was 
thoroughly understood, Rome was on fire with 
anxiety, and the enforced suspense filled the citizens 
with fear lest an external enemy should take the 
opportunity for a successful onset upon the city. 
Meanwhile the poor secessionists fortified their camp, 
but carefully refrained from actual war. The people 
left in the city feared the senators, and the senators 
in turn dreaded the citizens lest they should do them 
violence. It was a time of panic and suspense. After 
consultation, good counsels prevailed in the senate, 
and it was resolved to send an embassy to the 
despised and down-trodden plebeians, w r ho now 
seemed, however, to hold the balance of power, and 
to treat for peace, for there could be no security 
until the secessionists had returned to their homes. 

The spokesman on the occasion was Menenius 


Agrippa Lanatus, who was popular with the people 
and had a reputation for eloquence. In the course 
of his argument he related the famous apologue 
which Shakespeare has so admirably used in his first 
Roman play. He said : 

" At a time when all the parts of the body did not, as now, agree 
together, but the several members had each its own scheme, its own 
language, the other parts, indignant that every thing was procured for 
the belly by their care, labor, and service, and that it, remaining quiet 
in the centre, did nothing but enjoy the pleasures afforded it, con- 
spired that the hands should not convey food to the mouth, nor the 
mouth receive it when presented, nor the teeth chew it. They wished 
by these measures to subdue the belly by famine, but, to their dismay, 
they found that they themselves and the entire body were reduced to 
the last degree of emaciation. It then became apparent that the 
service of the belly was by no means a slothful one ; that it did not so 
much receive nourishment as supply it, sending to all parts of the body 
that blood by which the entire system lived in vigor." 

Lanatus then applied the fable to the body politic, 
showing that all the citizens must work in unity if 
its greatest welfare is to be attained. The address 
of this good man had its desired effect, and the 
people were at last willing to listen to a proposition 
for their return. It was settled that there should be 
a general release of all those who had been handed 
over to their creditors, and a cancelling of debts, and 
that two of the plebeians should be selected as their 
protectors, with power to veto objectionable laws, 
their persons being as inviolable at all times as were 
those of the sacred messengers of the gods. These 
demands, showing that the plebeians did not seek 
political power, were agreed to, the Valerian laws 
were reaffirmed, and a solemn treaty was concluded, 
each party swearing for itself and its posterity, with 


all the formality of representatives of foreign nations. 
The two leaders of the commons, Caius Licinius and 
Lucius Albinius, were elected the first Tribunes 
of the People, as the new officers were called, with 
two yEdiles to aid them.* They were not to leave the 
city during their term of office ; their doors being 
open day and night, that all who needed their pro- 
tection might have access to them. The hill upon 
which this treaty had been concluded was ever after 
known as the Sacred Mount ; its top was enclosed 
and consecrated, an altar being built upon it, on 
which sacrifices were offered to Jupiter, the god of 
terror and deliverance, who had allowed the com- 
mons to return home in safety, though they had 
gone out in trepidation. Henceforth the commons 
were to be protected ; they were better fitted to 
share the honors as well as the benefits of their 
country, and the threatened dissolution of the nation 
was averted. 

Towards the end of the year, Lanatus, the success- 
ful intercessor, died, and it was found that his 
poverty was so great that none but the most ordinary 
funeral could be afforded. Thereupon the plebeians 
contributed enough to give him a splendid burial ; 
but the sum was afterwards presented to his children, 
because the senate decreed that the funeral expenses 
should be defrayed by the state. (B.C. 494.) 

* The duties of the sediles were various, and at first they were simple 
assistants of the tribunes. sEdes means house or temple, and the 
aediles seem to have derived their name from the fact that they had 
the care of the temple of Ceres, goddess of agriculture, a very im- 
portant divinity in Rome as well as in Greece. 




There is a long story connected with the young 
stripling who, at the battle of Lake Regillus re- 
ceived the oaken crown for saving the life of a Ro- 
man citizen. The century after that event was filled 
with wars with the neighboring peoples, and in one 
of them this same QajjisJ^r-ckis fought so bravely 
at the taking of the Latin town of Corioli that he 
was ever after known as Coriolanus (B.C. 493). He 
was a proud patrician, and on one occasion when he 
was candidate for the office of consul, behaved with 
so much unnecessary haughtiness toward the plebei- 
ans that they refused him their votes.* After 
a while a famine came to Rome, — famines often 
came there, — and though in a former emergency 
of the kind Coriolanus had himself obtained corn 
and beef for the people, he was now so irri- 
tated by his defeat that when a contribution of 
grain arrived from Syracuse, in Sicily (B.C. 491), he 
actually advocated that it should not be distributed 
among the people unless they would consent to give 

* The whole interesting story is found in Plutarch's Lives, and in 
Shakespeare's play which bears the hero's name. 


up their tribunes which had been assured to them by 
the laws of the Sacred Mount ! This enraged the 
plebeians very much, and they caused Coriolanus to 
be summoned for trial before the comitia of the 
tribes, which body, in spite of his acknowledged ser- 
vices to the state, condemned him to exile. When 
he heard this sentence, Coriolanus angrily deter- 
mined to cast in his lot with his old enemies the Vol- 
scians, and raised an army for them with which he 
marched victoriously towards Rome. As he went, 
he destroyed the property of the plebeians, but pre- 
served that of the patricians. The people were in 
the direst state of anxious fear, and some of the 
senators were sent out to plead with the dreaded 
warrior for the safety of the city. These venerable 
ambassadors were repelled with scorn. Again, the 
sacred priests and augurs were deputed to make the 
petition, this time in the name of the gods of 
the people ; but, alas, they too entreated in vain. 
Then it was remembered that the stern man had al- 
ways reverenced his mother, and she with an array 
of matrons, accompanied by the little ones of Co- 
riolanus, went out to add their efforts to those which 
had failed. As they appeared, Coriolanus exclaimed, 
as Shakespeare put it : 

" I melt, and am not 
Of stronger earth than others. — My mother bows ; 
As if Olympus to a molehill should 
In supplication nod ; and my young boy 
Hath an aspect of intercession, which, 
Great Nature cries : ' Deny not.' Let the Volsces 
Plow Rome and harrow Italy ; I '11 never 
Be such a gosling to obey instinct ; but stand, 
As if a man were author of himself, 
And knew no other kin ! " 


The strong man is finally melted, however, by the 
soft influences of the women, and as he yields, says 
to them : 

" Ladies, you deserve 
To have a temple built you ; all the swords 
In Italy, and her confederate arms, 
Could not have made this peace ! " 

A temple was accordingly built in memory of this 
event, and in honor of Feminine Fortune, at the re- 
quest of the women of Rome, for the senate had de- 
creed that any wish they might express should be 
gratified. As for Coriolanus, he is said to have lived 
long in banishment, bewailing his misfortune, and 
saying that exile bore heavily on an old man. The 
entire story, heroic and tragic as it is related to us, 
is not substantiated, and we do not really know 
whether if true it should be assigned to the year 488 
B.C., or to a date a score of years later. 

During all the century we are now considering, the 
plebeians were slowly gaining ground in their at- 
tempts to improve their political condition, though 
they did not fail to meet rebuffs, and though they 
were many times unjustly treated by their proud op- 
ponents. These efforts at home were complicated, 
too, by the fact that nearly all the time there was 
war with one or another of the adjoining nations. 
Treaties were made at this period with some of the 
neighboring peoples, by a good friend of the ple- 
beians, Spurius Cassius, who was consul in the year 
486, and these to a certain extent repaired the losses 
that had followed the war with Porsena after the fall 
of the Tarquins. Cassius tried to strengthen the 


state internally, too, by dividing certain lands among 
the people, and by requiring rents to be paid for 
other tracts, and setting the receipts aside to pay the 
commons when they should be called out as soldiers. 
This is known as the first of the many Agrarian 
Laws {ager> a meadow, a field) that are recorded in 
Roman history, though something of the same na- 
ture is said to have existed in the days of Servius 

There were public and private lands in Roman 
territory, just as there are in the territory of the 
United States, and in those days, just as in our own, 
there were " squatters," as they have been called in 
our history, who settled upon public lands without 
right, and without paying any thing to the govern- 
ment for the privileges they enjoyed. Laws regulat- 
ing the use and ownership of the public lands were 
passed from time to time until Julius Caesar (B.C. 
59) enacted the last. They had for their object the 
relief of poverty and the stopping of the clamors of 
the poor, the settling of remote portions of territory, 
the rewarding of soldiers, or the extension of the 
popularity of some general or other leader. The 
plan was not efficient in developing the country, 
because those to whom the land was allotted were 
often not at all adapted to pursue agriculture suc- 
cessfully, and because the evils of poverty are not to 
be met in that way. 

It was a sign of the power of the people that this 
proposition of Cassius should have been successful; 
but it irritated the patricians exceedingly, because 
they had derived large wealth from the improper use 


of the public lands. The following year consuls 
came into power who were more in sympathy with 
the patricians, and they accused Cassius of laying 
plans to be made king. His popularity was under- 
mined, and his reputation blasted. Finally he was 
declared guilty of treason by his enemies, and con- 
demned to be scourged and beheaded, while his 
house was razed to the ground. For seven years 
after this one of the consuls was always a member of 
the powerful family of the Fabii, which had been in- 
fluential in thus overthrowing Cassius. The Fabians 
had opposed the laws dividing the lands, and they 
now refused to carry them out. The result was that 
the commons, deprived of their rights, again went to 
the extreme of refusing to fight for the state ; and 
when on one occasion they were brought face to face 
with an enemy, they refused to conquer when they 
had victory in their hands. A little later they went 
one step further, and attempted to stop entirely the 
raising of an army. One of the patrician family 
just mentioned, Marcus Fabius, proved too noble 
willingly to permit such strife between the classes to 
interfere with the progress of the state, and deter- 
mined to conciliate the commons. He succeeded, 
and led them to battle, and, though his army won 
victory, was himself killed in the combat (B.C. 481). 
The other members of the family took up the cause, 
cared kindly for the wounded, and thus still further 
ingratiated themselves with the army. The next 
year (B.C. 480) another Fabian was consul, and he 
too determined to stand up for the laws of Spurius 
Cassius. He was treated with scorn by his fellow 


patricians, and finding that he could not carry out 
his principles and live at peace in Rome, determined 
to exile himself. Going out with his followers, he 
established a camp on the side of the river Cremera, 
a few miles above Rome, and alone carried on a war 
against the fortified city of Veii. The unequal strife 
was continued for two years; but then the brave 
family was completely cut off. There was not a 
member left, excepting one who seems to have re- 
fused to renounce the former opinions of the family, 
and had remained at Rome * (B.C. 477). He became 
the ancestor of the Fabii of after-history. 

The support thus received from the aristocratic 
Fabii encouraged the commons, and the sacrifice of 
the family exasperated them. They felt anew that 
it was possible for them to exert some power in the 
state, and they promptly accused one of the consuls, 
Titus Menenius, of treason, because he had allowed, 
his army to lie inactive near Cremera while the Fabii 
were cut off before him. Menenius was found guilty, 
and died of vexation and shame. The aristocrats 
now attempted to frighten the commons by treachery 
and assassination, and succeeded, until one, Volerc 
Publilius, arose and took their part. He boldly pro- 
posed a law by which the tribunes of the people, 
instead of being chosen by the comitia of the cen- 
turies, in which, as we have seen, the aristocrats had 
the advantage, should be chosen by the comitia of 
the tribes, in which there was no such inferiority of 

* The Fabii were cut off on the Cremera on the 16th of July, a day 
afterwards marked by a terrible battle on the Allia, in which the 
Gauls defeated the Romans. 


the commons. Though violently opposed by the 
patricians, this law was passed, in the year 47 1 B.C. 
Other measures were, however, still necessary to 
give the plebeians a satisfactory position in the 

In the year 458, the ancient tribe of the vEquians 
came down upon Rome, and taking up a position 
upon Mount Algidus, just beyond Alba Longa, re- 
pulsed an army sent against them, and surrounded 
its camp. We can imagine the clattering of the 
hoofs on the hard stones of the Via Latina as five 
anxious messengers, who had managed to escape be- 
fore it was too late, hurried to Rome to carry the dis- 
heartening news. All eyes immediately turned in one 
direction for help. There lived just across the Tiber 
a member of an old aristocratic family, one Lucius 
Quintius, better known as Cincinnatus, because that 
name had been added to his others to show that 
he wore his hair long and in curls. Lucius was 
promptly appointed Dictator — that is, he was offered 
supreme authority over all the state, — and messen- 
gers were sent to ask him to accept the direction of 
affairs. He was found at work on his little farm^ 
which comprised only four jugera, either digging or 
plowing, and after he had sent for his toga, or outer 
garment, which he had thrown off for convenience in 
working, and had put it on, he listened to the message, 
and accepted the responsibility. The next morning 
he appeared on the forum by daylight, like an early - 
rising farmer, and issued orders that no one should 
attend to private business, but that all men of proper 
age should meet him on the field of Mars by sunset 


with food sufficient for five days. At the appointed 
hour the army was ready, and, so rapidly did it march, 
that before midnight the camp of the enemy was 
reached. The JEquians, not expecting such prompt- 
ness, were astonished to hear a great shout, and to 
find themselves shut up between two Roman armies, 
both of which advanced and successfully hemmed 
them in. They were thus forced to surrender, and 
Cincinnatus obliged them to pass under the yoke, in 
token of subjugation. {Sub, under, jugum, a yoke.) 
The yoke in this case was made of two spears 
fastened upright in the ground with a third across 
them at the top. In the short space of twenty-four 
hours, Lucius Quintius Cincinnatus raised an army, 
defeated an enemy, and laid down his authority 
as dictator ! It was decreed that he should enter the 
city in triumph. He rode in his chariot through the 
streets, the rejoicing inhabitants spreading tables in 
front of their houses, laden with meat and drink for 
the soldiers. The defeated chiefs walked before the 
victor, and after them followed the standards that 
had been won, while still farther behind were the 
soldiers, bearing the rich spoils. It was customary in 
those days for a conqueror to take every thing from 
the poor people whom he had vanquished, — homes, 
lands, cattle, wealth of every sort, — and then even to 
carry the men, women, and children away into slavery 
themselves. Thus a subjugated country became a 
desolation, unless the conquerors sent settlers to 
occupy the vacant homes and cultivate the neg- 
lected farms. Bad and frightful as war is now, it is 
not conducted on such terrible principles as were fol- 
lowed in early times. 


Though from time to time concessions were made 
to the commons, they continued to feel that they 
were deprived of many of their just political rights, 
and the antagonism remained lively between them 
and the patricians. The distresses that they suffered 
were real, and endured even for two centuries after the 
time assigned to Coriolanus. We have now, indeed, 
arrived at a period of their sore trial, though it was 
preceded by some events that seemed to promise 
them good. In the year 454, Lucius Icilius, one of 
the tribunes of the people, managed to have the whole 
of the Aventine Hill given up to them, and as it was, 
after the Capitoline, the strongest of all the seven, 
their political importance was of course increased. It 
was but a few years later (B.C. 451) when, according 
to tradition, after long and violent debates it was de- 
cided that a commission should be sent to Athens, 
or to some colony of the Greeks, to learn what 
they could from the principles of government 
adopted by that ancient and wise people, which 
was then at the very height of its prosperity and 
fame. After this commission had made its report 
(in the year B.C. 450), all the important magistrates v 
including the consuls, tribunes, and aediles, were 
replaced by ten patricians, known as Decemvirs 
{decern, ten, vir, a man), appointed to prepare a 
new code of laws. 

The chief of this body was an Appius Claudius, 
son of the haughty patrician of the same name, and 
equally as haughty as he ever was. The laws of 
Rome before this time had been in a mixed condi- 
tion, partly written and partly unwritten and tradi- 


tional ; but now all were to be reduced to order, and 
incorporated with those two laws that could not be 
touched — that giving the Aventine to the plebeians, 
and the sacred law settled on the Roman Runny- 
mede after the first secession to the Sacred Mount. 
After a few months the ten men produced ten laws, 
which were written out and set up in public places 
for the people to read and criticise. Suggestions for 
alterations might be made, and if the ten men ap- 
proved them, they made them a part of their report, 
after which all was submitted to the senate and 
the curiae, and finally approved. The whole code of 
laws was then engraved on ten tables of enduring 
brass and put up in the comitium, where all might 
see them and have no excuse for not obeying them. 
We do not know exactly what all these laws were, 
but enough has come down to us to make it clear 
that they were drawn up with great fairness, because 
they met the expectations of the people ; and this 
shows, of course, that the political power of the ple- 
beians was now considerable, because ten patricians 
would not have made the laws fair, unless there had 
been a strong influence exerted over them, obliging 
them to be careful in their action. The ten had 
acted so well, indeed, that it was thought safe and 
advisable to continue the government in the same 
form for another year. This proved a mistake, for 
Appius managed to gain so much influence that he 
was the only one of the original ten who was re- 
elected, and he was able also to cause nine others to 
be chosen with him who were weak men, whom he 
felt sure that he could control. When the new de- 


cemvirs came into power,' they soon added two new 
laws to the original ten, and the whole are now 
known, therefore, as the " Twelve Tables." The 
additional laws proved so distasteful to the peo- 
ple that they were much irritated, and seemed 
ready to revolt against the government on the 
slightest provocation. The decemvirs became ex- 
ceedingly ostentatious and haughty, too, in their 
bearing, as well as tyrannical in their acts, so that 
the city was all excitement and opposition to the 
government that a few weeks before had been liked 
so well. Nothing was needed to bring about an 
outbreak except a good excuse, and that was not 
long waited for. Nations do not often have to 
wait long for a cause for fighting, if they want to 
find one. 

A war broke out with the Sabines and the ^Equi- 
ans at the same time, and armies were sent against 
ithem both, commanded by friends of the plebeians. 
Lucius Sicinius Dentatus, one of the bravest, was 
sent out at the head of one army with some traitors, 
who, under orders from the decemvirs, murdered 
him in a lonely place. The other commander was 
Lucius Virginius, who will be known as long as 
literature lasts as father of the beautiful but unfor- 
tunate Virginia. While Virginius was fighting the 
city's war against the jEquians, the tyrant Appius 
was plotting to snatch from him his beloved daugh- 
ter, who was affianced to the tribune Lucius Icilius, 
the same who had caused the Aventine to be as- 
signed to the plebeians. At first wicked Appius 
endeavored to entice the maiden from her noble 


lover, but without success ; and he therefore deter- 
mined to take her by an act of tyranny, under color 
of law. He caused one of his minions to claim her 
as his slave, intending to get her into his hands 
before her father could hear of the danger and 
return from the army. The attempt was not suc- 
cessful, for trusty friends carried the news quickly, 
and Virginius reached Rome in time to hear the 
cruel sentence by which the tyrant thought to 
gratify his evil intention. Before Virginia could be 
taken from the forum, Virginius drew her aside, sud- 
denly snatched a sharp knife from a butcher's stall, 
and plunged it in her bosom, crying out : " This is 
the only way, my child, to keep thee free ! " Then, 
turning to Appius, he held the bloody knife on high 
and cried : " On thy head be the curse of this 
blood." Vainly did Appius call upon the crowd to 
arrest the infuriated father ; the people stood aside 
to allow him to pass, as though he had been some- 
thing holy, and he rushed onward toward his portion 
of the army, which was soon joined by the troops 
that Dentatus had commanded. Meantime, Icilius 
held up the body of his loved one before the people 
in the forum, and bade them gaze on the work of 
their decemvir. A tumult was quickly stirred up, in 
the midst of which Appius fled to his house, and the 
senate, hastily summoned, cast about for means to 
stop the wild indignation of the exasperated popu- 
lace ; for the people were then, as they are now, 
always powerful in the strength of outraged feeling 
or righteous indignation. 
All was vain. The two armies returned to the 


Aventine united, and from the other parts of the 
city the plebeians flocked to them. This was the 
second secession, and, like the first, it was successful. 
The decemyirs were compelled to resign, their places 
being filled by two consuls ; Appius was thrown 
into prison, to await judgment, and took his life 
there ; and ten tribunes of the people were chosen 
to look out for the interests of the commons, Vir- 
ginius and Icilius being two of the number. Thus, 
for the first time since the days of Publius Valerius, 
the control of government was in the hands of men 
who wished to carry it on for the good of the 
country, rather than in the interest of a party. 
Thus good came out of evil. >r£^ 

Among the laws of the Twelve Tables, the par- 
ticular one which had at this time excited the ple- 
beians was a statute prohibiting marriages between 
members of their order and the patricians. There 
had been such marriages, and this made the opposi- 
tion to the law all the more bitter, though no one 
was powerful enough to cause it to be abolished. 
There now arose a tribune of the people who pos- 
sessed force and persistence, Caius Canuleius by 
name, and he urged the repeal of this law. For the 
third time the plebeians seceded, this time going 
over the Tiber to the Janiculum Hill, where it would 
have been possible for them to begin a new city, if 
they had not been propitiated. Canuleius argued 
with vigor against the consuls who stood up for the 
law, and at last he succeeded. In the year 445 the 
restriction was removed, and plebeian girls were at 
liberty to become the wives of patrician men, with 


the assurance that their children should enjoy the 
rank of their fathers. This right of intermarriage 
led in time to the entrance of plebeians upon the 
highest magistracies of the city, and it was, therefore, 
of great political importance. 

It was agreed in 444 B.C. that the supreme au- 
thority should be centred in two magistrates, called 
Military Tribunes, who should have the power of 
consuls, and might be chosen from the two orders. 
The following year, however (443 B.C.), the patricians 
were allowed to choose from their own order two 
officers known as Censors, who were always con- 
sidered to outrank all others, excepting the dictator, 
when there was one of those extraordinary magis- 
trates. The censors wore rich robes of scarlet, and 
had almost kingly dignity. They made the register 
of the citizens at the time of the census,' 55 ' adminis- 
tered the public finances, and chose the members of 
the senate, besides exercising many other important 
duties connected with public and private life. The 
term of office of the censors at first was a lustrum or 
five years, but ten years later it was limited to 
eighteen months. In 42 1, the plebeians made further 
progress, for the office of quaestor (paymaster) was 
opened to them, and they thus became eligible to 
the senate. A score of years passed, however, before 
any plebeian was actually chosen to the office of 
military tribune even, owing to the great influence 
of the patricians in the comitia centuriata. 

All the time that these events were occurring, 

* After the expulsion of the Tarquins, the consuls took the census, 
and this was the first appointment of special officers for the purpose. 


Rome was carrying on intermittent wars with the 
surrounding nations, and by her own efforts, as well 
as by the help of her allies, was adding to her 
warlike prestige. Nothing in all the story of war 
exceeds in interest the poetical narrative that re- 
lates to the siege and fall of the Etruscan city of 
Veii, with which, since the days of Romulus, Rome 
had so many times been involved in war. 

Year after year the army besieged the strong 
place, and there seemed no hope that its walls would 
fall. It was allied with Fidenae, another city half- 
way between it and Rome, which was taken by 
means of a mine in the year 426. A peace with 
Veii ensued, after which the incessant war began 
again, and fortune sometimes favored one side and 
sometimes the other. The siege of the city can be 
fittingly compared to that of Troy, Seven years 
had passed without result, when of a sudden, in the 
midst of an autumn drought, the waters of the Alban 
Lake, away off to the other side of Rome, began to 
rise. Higher and still higher they rose without any 
apparent cause, until the fields and houses were cov- 
ered, and then they found a passage where the hills 
were lowest, and poured down in a great torrent upon 
the plains below. Unable to understand this por- 
tent, for such it was considered, the Romans called 
upon the oracle at Delphi for counsel, and were told 
that not until the waters should find their way into 
the lowlands by a new channel, should not rush so 
impetuously to the sea, but should water the coun- 
try, could Veii be taken. It is hardly necessary to 
say that no one but an oracle or a poet could see the 


connection between the draining of a lake fifteen 
miles from Rome on one side, and the capture of a 
fortress ten miles away on the other. However, the 
lake was drained. With surprising skill, a tunnel was 
built directly through the rocky hills, and the 
waters allowed to flow over the fields below. The 
traveller may still see this ancient structure per- 
forming its old office. It is cut for a mile and a 
half, mainly through solid rock, four feet wide and 
from seven to ten in height. The lake is a thousand 
feet above the sea-level, and of very great depth. 

Marcus Furius Camillus is the hero who now 
comes to the rescue. He was chosen dictator in or- 
der that he might push the war with the utmost 
vigor. The people of Veil sent messengers to him 
to sue for peace, but their appeal was in vain. 
Steadily the siege went on. We must not picture to 
ourselves the army of Camillus using the various en- 
gines of war that the Romans became acquainted 
with in later times through intercourse with the 
Greeks, but trusting more to their strong arms and 
their simple means of undermining the walls or break- 
ing down the gates. Their bows and slings and ladders 
were weak instruments against strong stone walls, and 
the siege was a long and wearisome labor. It proved 
so long in this case, indeed, that the soldiers, unable 
to make visits to their homes to plant and reap their 
crops, were for the first time paid for their services. 

As the unsuccessful ambassadors from Veii turned 
away from the senate-house, one of them uttered a 
fearful prophecy, saying that though the unmerciful 
Romans feared neither the wrath of the gods nor the 


vengeance of men, they should one day be rewarded 
for their hardness by the loss of their own country. 

Summer and winter the Roman army camped 
before the doomed city, but it did not fall. At last, 
to ensure success, Camillus began a mine or tunnel 
under the city, which he completed to a spot just 
beneath the altar in the temple of Juno. When but 
a single stone remained to be taken away, he uttered 
a fervent prayer to the goddess, and made a vow to 
Apollo consecrating a tenth part of the spoil of the 
city to him. He then ordered an assault upon the 
walls, and at the moment when the king was making 
an offering on the altar of Juno, and the augur was 
telling him that victory in the contest was to fall to 
him who should burn the entrails then ready, the 
Romans burst from their tunnel, finished the sacrifice, 
and rushing to the gates, let their own army in. The 
city was sacked, and as Camillus looked on, he ex- 
claimed : " What man's fortune was ever so great as 
mine ? " A magnificent triumph was celebrated in 
Rome. Day after day the temples were crowded, 
and Camillus, hailed as a public benefactor, rode to 
the capitol in a chariot drawn by four white horses. 
The territory of the conquered city was divided 
among the patricians, but Camillus won their hatred 
after a time by calling upon them to give up a tenth 
part of their rich booty to found a temple to Apollo, 
in pursuance of his vow, which he claimed to have 
forgotten meanwhile. It was not long before he 
was accused of unfairness in distributing the spoils, 
some of which he was said to have retained himself, 
and when he saw that the people were so incensed 



at him that condemnation was inevitable, he went 
into banishment. As he went away, he added a 
malediction to the prophecy of the ambassador 
from Veii, and said that the republic might soon 
have cause to regret his loss. He was, as he had 
expected, condemned, a fine of one hundred and 
fifty thousand ases being laid upon him. 

Thus was the territory of Rome greatly increased, 
after a hundred years of war and intrigue, and thus 
did the warrior to whom the city owed the most, and 
whom it had professed to honor, go from it with a 
malediction on his lips. Let us see how the ill omens 
were fulfilled* 



WHEN the Greeks shivered in the cold north-wind, 
they thought that Boreas, one of their divinities who 
dwelt beyond the high mountains, had loosened the 
blast from a mysterious cave. The North was to 
them an unknown region. Far beyond the hills they 
thought there dwelt a nation known as Hyper- 
boreans, or people beyond the region of Boreas, who 
lived in an atmosphere of feathers, enjoying Arcadian 
happiness, and stretching their peaceful lives out to 
a thousand years. That which is unknown is fright- 
ful to the ignorant or the superstitious, and so it was 
that the North was a land in which all that was 
alarming might be conjured up. The inhabitants of 
the Northern lands were called Gauls by the Romans. 
They lived in villages with no walls about them, and 
had no household furniture ; they slept in straw, or 
leaves, or grass, and their business in life was either 
agriculture or war. They were hardy, tall, and rough 
in appearance ; their hair was shaggy and light in 
color compared with that of the Italians, and their 
fierce appearance struck the dwellers under sunnier 
climes with dread. 

These warlike people had come from the plains of 


Asia, and in Central and Northern Europe had in- 
creased to such an extent that they could at length 
find scarcely enough pasturage for their flocks. The 
mountains were full of them, and it was not strange 
that some looked down from their summits into the 
rich plains of Italy, and then went thither; and, 
tempted by the crops, so much more abundant than 
they had ever known, and by the wine, which gave 
them a new sensation, at last made their homes 
there. It was a part of their life to be on the move, 
and by degrees they slipped farther and farther into 
the pleasant land. They flocked from the Hercynian 
forests, away off in Bohemia or Hungary, and 
swarmed over the Alps ; they followed the river Po 
in its course, and they came into the region of the 
Apennines too.* It was they who had weakened the 
Etruscans and made it possible for the Romans to 
capture Veii. Afterwards they came before the city 
of Clusium (B.C. 391), and the people in distress 
begged for aid from Rome. No help was given, but 
ambassadors were sent to warn the invaders cour- 
teously not to attack the friends of the Roman 
people who had done them no harm. Such a request 
might have had an effect upon a nation that knew 
the Romans better, but the fierce Northerners who 
knew nothing of courtesy replied that if the Clusians 
would peaceably give up a portion of their lands, no 
harm should befall them ; but that otherwise they 
should be attacked, and that in the presence of the 

* No one knows exactly when the Gauls first entered Northern Italy. 
Some think that it was as long back as the time of the Tarquins, 
while others put it only ten or twenty years before the battle of the 
Allia — 410-400 B.C. 


Romans, who might thus take home an account of 
how the Gauls excelled all other mortals in bravery. 
Upon being asked by what right they proposed to 
take a part of the Clusian territory, Brennus, the 
leader of the barbarians, replied that all things be- 
longed to the brave, and that their right lay in their 
trusty swords. 

In the battle that ensued, the Roman ambassadors 
fought with the Clusians, and one of them killed a 
Gaul of great size and stature. This was made the 
basis for an onset upon Rome itself. Then the 
Romans must have remembered how just before the 
hero of Veii had gone into banishment, a good and 
respectable man reported to the military tribunes 
that one night as he was going along the street near 
the temple of Vesta, he heard a voice saying plainly 
to him : " Marcus Caedicius, the Gauls are coming ! " 
Probably they remembered, too, how lightly they 
esteemed the information, and how even the tribunes 
made sport of it. Now the Northern scourge was 
actually rushing down upon them, and Camillus was 
gone ! In great rage the invaders pushed on towards 
the city, alarming all who came in their way by their 
numbers, their fierceness, and the violence with which 
they swept away all opposition. There was little 
need of fear, however, for the rough men took noth- 
ing from the fields, and, as they passed the cities, 
cried out that they were on their way to Rome, and 
that they considered the inhabitants of all cities but 
Rome friends who should receive no harm. 

The Romans had a proverb to the effect that 
whom the gods wish to destroy they first make mad, 


and, according to their historian Livy, it was true in 
this case, for when the city was thus menaced by a 
new enemy, rushing in the intoxication of victory, 
and impelled by the fury of wrath and the thirst for 
vengeance, they did not take any but the most 
ordinary precautions to protect themselves; leaving 
to the usual officers the direction of affairs, and not 
bestirring themselves as much as they did when 
threatened by the comparatively inferior forces of 
the neighboring states. They even neglected the pre- 
scribed religious customs and the simplest precautions 
of war. When they sent out their army they did not 
select a fit place for a camp, nor build ramparts be- 
hind which they might retreat, and they drew up the 
soldiers in such a way that the line was unusually 
weak in the parts it presented to the on-rushing enemy. 
Under such unpropitious circumstances the im- 
petuous Gauls were met on the banks of the river Al- 
lia, ten miles from Rome, on the very day on which 
the Fabii had been destroyed by the Etruscans the 
century before (July 1 6, 390). The result was that 
terror took possession of the soldiers, and the Gauls 
achieved an easy victory, so easy, indeed, that it left 
them in a state of stupefied surprise. A part of the 
Romans fled to the deserted stronghold of Veii, and 
others to their own city, but many were overtaken by 
the enemy and killed, or were swept away by the 
current of the Tiber.* 

* That this was a terrible defeat is proved by the fact that the sixteenth 
of July was afterward held unlucky {ater, black), and no business was 
transacted on it. Ovid mentions it as " the day to which calamitous 
Allia gives a name in the calendar," and on which " tearful Allia was 
stained with the blood of the Latian wounds." 


There was dire alarm in the city. The young and 
vigorous members of the senate, with their wives and 
children and other citizens, found refuge in the capi- 
tol, which they fortified ; but the aged senators took 
their seats in the forum and solemnly awaited the 
coming of Brennus and his hosts. The barbarians 
found, of course, no difficulty in taking and burning 
the city, and for days they sacked and pillaged the 
houses. The venerable senators were immediately 
murdered, and the invaders put the capitol in a state 
of siege. 

Then the curses of the ambassador of Veii and of 
Camillus found their fulfilment ; and then also did the 
thoughts of the Romans turn to their once admired 
commander, who, they were now sure, could help 
them. The refugees at Veii, too, turned in their 
thoughts to Camillus, and messengers were sent 
to him at Ardea, where he was in exile, asking him 
to come to the assistance of his distressed country- 
men. Camillus was too proud to accept a command 
to which he was not called by the senate, while 
he was under condemnation for an offence of which 
he did not feel guilty. The senate was shut up 
in the capitol, and hard to get at, but an ambitious 
youth offered to climb the precipitous hill, in spite 
of the besieging barbarians, and obtain the requisite 
order. The daring man crossed the Tiber, and scaled 
the hill by the help of shrubs and projecting stones. 
After obtaining for Camillus the appointment of dic- 
tator, he successfully returned to Veii, and then the 
banished leader accepted the supreme office for the 
second time. 


The sharp watchers among the Gauls had, however, 
noticed in the broken shrubs and loosened stones the 
marks of the daring act of the messenger who had 
climbed the hill, and determined to take the hint and 
enter the capitol in that way themselves. In the 
dead of night, but by the bright light of the moon we 
may suppose, since the battle of Allia was fought at 
the full of the moon, the daring barbarians began 
slowly and with great difficulty to climb the rocky 
hill. They actually reached itsssummit, and, to their 
surprise, were not noisy enough to awaken the guards ; 
but, alas for them, the sacred geese of the capi- 
tol, kept for use in the worship of Juno, were con- 
fined near the spot where the ascent had been made. 
Alarmed by the unusual occurrence, the geese 
uttered their natural noises and awakened Marcus 
Manlius, who quickly buckled on his armor and 
rushed to the edge of the cliff. He was just in time 
to meet the first Gaul as he came up, and to push him 
over on the others who were painfully following him. 
Down he fell backwards, striking his companions 
and sending them one after another to the foot of 
the precipice in promiscuous ruin. In the morning 
the captain of the watch was in turn cast down upon 
the heads of the enemies, to whom his neglect had 
given such an advantage. 

Now there remained nothing for the Gauls to 
do but sit down and wait, to see if they could starve 
the Romans confined in the capitol. Months passed, 
and, indeed, they almost accomplished their object, 
but while they were listlessly waiting, the hot Roman 
autumn was having its natural effect upon them, 


accustomed as they were to an active life in those 
Northern woods where the cool winds of the moun- 
tains fanned them and the leafy shades screened their 
heads from the heat of the sun. The miasma of the 
low lands crept up into their camps, and the ashes of 
the ruins that they had made blew into their faces and 
affected their health. They might almost as well 
have been shut up on the hill. The result was that 
both Gaul and Roman felt at last that peace would 
be a boon no matter at how high a price purchased, 
and it was agreed by Brennus that if the Romans 
would weigh him out a thousand pounds of rich 
gold, he would take himself and his horde back 
to the more comfortable woods. The scales were 
prepared and the gold was brought out, but the Ro- 
mans found that their enemies were cheating in the 
weight. When asked what it meant, Brennus pulled 
off his heavy sword, threw it into the balances and 
said: "What does it mean, but woe to the van- 
quished ! " " Vce victis ! " 

It was very bad for the Romans, but the story 
goes on to tell us that art that very moment, the 
great Camillus was knocking at the gates, that he en- 
tered at the right instant with his army, took the 
gold out of the scales, threw the weights, and the 
scales themselves, indeed, to the Gauls, and told 
Brennus that it was the custom of the Romans to 
pay their debts in iron, not in gold. The Gauls im- 
mediately called their men together and hastened 
from the city, establishing a camp eight miles away 
on the road to Gabii, where Camillus overtook them 
the next day and defeated them with such great 


slaughter that they were able to do no further 

It seems a pity to spoil so good a story, but it is 
like many others that have grown up in the way 
that reminds one of the game of " scandal " that the 
children play. The Roman historians always wished 
to glorify their nation, and they took every oppor- 
tunity to make the stories appear well for the old 
heroes. It seems that at this time some Gauls were 
really cut off by the people of Caere, or some neigh- 
boring place, and, to improve the story, it was at 
first said that they were the very ones that had 
taken Rome. Then, another writer added, that the 
gold given as a ransom for the city was retaken with 
the captives ; and, as another improvement, it was 
said that Camillus was the one who accomplished 
the feat, but that it was a long time afterwards, 
when the Gauls were besieging another city. The 
last step in adding to the story was taken when 
some one, thinking that it could be improved still 
more, and the national pride satisfied, brought 
Camillus into the city at the very moment that the 
gold was in the scales, so that he could keep it from 
being delivered at all, and then proceed to cut off all 
the enemy, so that not a man should be left to take 
the terrible tale back over the northern mountains ! 
The story is not all false, for there are good eviden- 
ces that Rome was burned, but the heroic embellish- 
ments are doubtless the imaginative and patriotic 
additions of historians who thought more of national 
pride than historic accuracy. 

Camillus now proceeded to rebuild the city, and 


came to be honored as the second founder of Rome. 
The suffering people rushed out of the capitol weep- 
ing for very joy ; the inhabitants who had gone else- 
where came back; the priests brought the holy 
things from their hiding-places ; the city was puri- 
fied ; a temple was speedily erected to Rumor or 
Voice on the spot where Caedicius had heard the 
voice announcing the coming barbarians ; and there 
was a diligent digging among the ashes to find the 
sites of the other temples and streets. It was a 
tedious and almost hopeless task to rebuild the 
broken-down city, and the people began to look 
with longing to the strongly-built houses and 
temples still standing at Veii, wondering why they 
might not go thither in a body and live in comfort, 
instead of digging among ashes to rebuild a city 
simply to give Camillus, of whom they quickly began 
to be jealous, the honor that had been an attribute 
of Romulus only. Then the senate appealed to the 
memories of the olden time ; the stories of the sacred 
places, and especially of the head that was found on 
the Capitoline Hill, were retold, and by dint of en- 
treaty and expostulation the distressed inhabitants 
were led to go to work to patch up the ruins. They 
brought stones from Veii, and to the poor the 
authorities granted bricks, and gradually a new, but 
ill-built, city grew up among the ruins, with crooked 
streets and lanes, and with buildings, public and 
private, huddled together just as happened to be the 
most convenient for the immediate occasion. 

Camillus lived twenty-five years longer, and was 
repeatedly called to the head of affairs, as the city 


found itself in danger from the Volscians, ^Equians, 
Etruscans and other envious enemies. Six times 
was he made one of the tribunes, and five times did 
he hold the office of dictator. When the Gauls came 
again, in the year 367, Camillus was called upon to 
help his countrymen for the last time, and though he 
was some fourscore years of age, he did not hesitate, 
nor did victory desert him. The Gauls were de- 
feated with great slaughter, and it was a long time 
before they again ventured to trouble the Romans. 
The second founder of Rome, after his long life of 
warfare, died of a plague that carried away many of 
the prominent citizens in the year 365. His victories 
had not all been of the same warlike sort, however. 
" Peace hath her victories no less renowned than 
war," and Camillus gained his share of them. 

Marcus Manlius, the preserver of the capitol, was 
less fortunate, for when he saw that the plebeians 
were suffering because the laws concerning debtors 
were too severe, and came forward as patron of the 
poor, he received no recognition, and languished in pri- 
vate life, while Camillus was a favorite. He there- 
fore turned to the plebeians, and devoted his large 
fortune to relieving suffering debtors. The patricians 
looking upon him as a deserter from their party, 
brought up charges against him, and though he 
showed the marks of distinction that he had won in 
battles for the country, and gained temporary respite 
from their emnity, they did not relent until his 
condemnation had been secured. He was hurled 
from the fatal Tarpeian Rock, and his house was 
razed to the ground in the year 384. 


Eight years after the death of Manlius (b.c. 376), 
two tribunes of the plebeians, one of whom was Caius 
Licinius Stolo, proposed some new laws to protect 
poor debtors, whose grievances had been greatly in- 
creased by the havoc of the Gauls, and after nine 
more years of tedious discussion and effort, they 
were enacted (B.C. 367), and are known as the Licin- 
ian Laws, or rather, Rogations, for a law before it 
was finally passed was known as a rogation, and 
these were long discussed before they were agreed 
to. (Rogare, to ask, that is, to ask the opinion of 
one.) So great was the feeling aroused by this dis- 
cussion, that Camillus was called upon to interfere, 
and he succeeded in pacifying the city ; Lucius Sex- 
tius was chosen as the first plebeian consul, and Camil- 
lus, having thus a third time saved the state, dedi- 
cated a temple to Concord. As a plebeian had been 
made consul, the disturbing struggles between the 
two orders could not last much longer, and we find 
that the plebeians gradually gained ground, until at 
last the political distinction between them and the 
patricians was wiped out for generations. The laws 
that finally effected this were those of Publilius, in 
339, and of Hortensius, the dictator, in 286. 

The period of the death of Camillus is to be re- 
membered on account of several facts connected 
with a plague that visited Rome in the year 365. 
The people, in their despair, for the third time in the 
history of the city, performed a peculiar sacrifice 
called the Lectisternium (lectus, a couch, sternere, to 
spread), to implore the favor of offended deities. 
They placed images of the gods upon cushions or 


couches and offered them viands, as if the images 
could really eat them. Naturally this did not effect 
any abatement of the ravaging disease, and under 
orders of the priests, stage plays were instituted as a 
means of appeasing the wrath of heaven. The first 
Roman play-writer, Plautus, did not live till a hun- 
dred years after this time, and these performances 
were trivial imitations of Etruscan acting, which thus 
came to Rome at second-hand from Greece ; but, as 
the Romans did not particularly delight in intel- 
lectual efforts at that time, buffoonery sufficed in- 
stead of the wit which gave so much pleasure to the 
cultivated attendants at the theatre of Athens. 
Livy says that these plays neither relieved the minds 
nor the bodies of the Romans; and, in fact, when on 
one occasion the performances were interrupted by 
the overflowing waters of the Tiber which burst into 
the circus, the people turned from the theatre in 
terror, feeling that their efforts to soothe the gods 
had been despised. It was at this time that the 
earth is said to have been opened in the forum by an 
earthquake, and that Curtius cast himself into it as 
a sacrifice ; but, as we have read of the occurrence 
before we shall not stop to consider it again. The 
young hero was called Mettus Curtius in the former 
instance, but now the name given to him is Marcus 




We have now reached the time when Rome had 
brought under her sway all the country towards 
Naples as far as the river Liris, and, gaining strength, 
she is about to add materially to her territory and to 
lay the foundation for still more extensive conquests. 
During the century that we are next to consider, she 
conquered her immediate neighbors, and was first 
noticed by that powerful city which was soon to be- 
come her determined antagonist, Carthage. It was 
the time when the great Macedonian conqueror, 
Alexander, finished his war in Persia, and the men- 
tion of his name leads Livy to pause in his narrative, 
and, reflecting that the age was remarkable above 
others for its conquerors, to enquire what would 
have been the consequences if Alexander had been 
minded to turn his legions against Rome, after 
having become master of the Eastern world. Alex- 
ander died, however, before he had an opportunity 
to get back from the East ; but, as the old historian 
says, it is entertaining and relaxing to the mind to 
digress from weightier considerations and to em- 
bellish historical study with variety, and he decides 
that if the great Eastern conqueror had marched 


against Rome, he would have been defeated. While 
Livy was probably influenced in this decision by that 
desire to magnify the prowess of his country which 
is plainly seen throughout his work, we may agree 
with him without fear of being far from correct, 
especially when we remember that Alexander 
achieved his great success against peoples that had 
not reached the stage of military science that Rome 
had by this time attained. " The aspect of Italy," Livy 
says, " would have appeared to him quite different 
from that of India, which he traversed in the guise of 
a reveller at the head of a crew of drunkards * * * 
Never were we worsted by an enemy's cavalry, never 
by their infantry, never in open fight, never on equal 
ground," but our army "has defeated and will de- 
feat a thousand armies more formidable than those 
of Alexander and the Macedonians, provided that 
the same love of peace and solicitude about domestic 
harmony in which we now live continue permanent." 
This is what patriotism says for Rome, and we can 
hardly say less, when we remember that when she 
came into conflict with great Carthage, led by diplo- 
matic and scientific Hannibal, she proved the victor. 
We are, however, more interested now in what the 
Roman arms actually accomplished than in enquiries, 
however interesting, aboutwhatthey might have done. 
They subjugated the world, and that is enough for us. 
One of the most favored and celebrated families in 
the history of Rome for a thousand years was that 
called Valerian, and at the time to which our 
thoughts are now directed, one of the members 
comes into prominence as the most illustrious gen- 


eral of the era. Marcus Valerius Corvus was born 
at about the time when the rogations of Licinius 
Stolo became laws, and in early life distinguished 
himself as a soldier in an assault made on the Ro- 
mans by the Gauls, who seem not to have all been 
swept away for a long time. It was in the year 349. 
The dreaded enemy rushed upon Rome, and the 
citizens took up arms in a mass. One soldier, Titus 
Manlius, met a gigantic Gaul on a bridge over the 
Anio, and after slaying him, carried off a massy 
chain that he bore on his neck. Torquatus in Latin 
means " provided with a chain," and this word was 
addecl to the name of Manlius ever after. It was at 
the same time that Marcus Valerius encountered 
another huge Gaul in single combat, and overcame 
him, though he was aided by a raven which settled 
on his helmet, and in the contest picked at the eyes 
of the barbarian. Corvus is the Latin word for 
raven, and it was added to the other names of Va- 
lerius. A golden crown and ten oxen were presented 
to him, and the people chose him consul. 

Corvus was no less powerful than popular. He 
competed with the other soldiers in their games of 
the camp, and listened to their jokes like a com- 
panion without taking offence. He thus established 
a bond between the two orders. Six times he served 
as consul, and twice as dictator. Never was such 
a man more needed than was he now. At an un- 
known period there had come down from the snowy 
tops of the Apennines a strong people, known after- 
wards as Samnites, who now began to press upon 
the inhabitants of the region called Campania, in the 



midst of which is the volcano Vesuvius.* There, too. 
were Cumae and Capua, of which we have had occa- 
sion to speak, and Herculaneum and Pompeii ; there 
was Naples on its beautiful bay, and there was Palae- 
opolis, the " old city," not far distant {Nea, new, polls, 
city ; palalos, old, polls, city). This was a part of 
Magna Grsecia, which included many rich cities in 
the southern portion of the peninsula, among which 
were Tarentum, and there had been the earliest of the 
Greek colonies, Sybaris, the abode of wealth and 
luxury, until its destruction at the time of the fall 
of the Tarquins. 

The Campanians invoked the help of Rome against 
their sturdy foes, and a struggle for the mastery of 
Italy began, which lasted for more than half a cen- 
tury, though there were three wars, separated by 
intervals of peace. The first struggle lasted from 
343 to 341, and is important for its first battle, which 
was fought at the foot of Mount Gaurus, three miles 
from Cumse. It is memorable because Valerius Cor- 
vus, who lived until the Samnites had been finally 
subdued, was victorious, and the historian Niebuhr 
tells us that though we find it but little spoken of, it 
is one of the most noteworthy in all the history 

* Among the strange customs of the olden times in Italy was one 
called ver sacrum (sacred spring). In time of distress a vow would be 
made»to sacrifice every creature born in April and May to propitiate 
an offended deity. In many cases man and beast were thus offered ; 
but in time humanity revolted against the sacrifice of children, and 
they were considered sacred, but allowed to grow up, and at the age of 
twenty were sent blindfolded out into the world beyond the frontier 
to found a colony wherever the gods might lead them. The Mamer- 
tines in Sicily sprang from such emigrants, and it is supposed that the 
Samnites had a similar origin. 


of the world, because it indicated that Rome was to 
achieve the final success, and thus take its first step 
towards universal sovereignty. After this victory 
the Carthaginians, with whom Rome was to have a 
desperate war afterwards, sent congratulations, ac- 
companied by a golden crown for the shrine of 
Jupiter in the capitol. It is said that at the time of 
the expulsion of the Tarquins, the Romans and Car- 
thaginians had entered into a treaty of friendship, 
which had been renewed five years before the war 
with the Samnites,but we are not certain of it. 

The results of the burning of Rome by the Gauls 
had not all ceased to be felt, and many of the ple- 
beians were still suffering under the burden of debts 
that they could not pay. A portion of the army, 
composed, as we know, of plebeians, was left to 
winter at Capua. There it saw the luxurious ex- 
travagance of the citizens, and felt its own burdens 
more than ever by contrast. A mutiny ensued, and 
though it was quelled, more concessions were made 
to the plebeians, and their debts were generally 
abolished. Meantime the Latins saw evidence that 
the power of Rome was growing more rapidly than 
their own, and they, therefore, determined to go to 
war to obtain the equality that they thought the 
terms of the treaty between the nations authorized 
them to expect. The Samnites were now the allies 
of Rome, and fought with her. The armies met 
under the shadow of Mount Vesuvius. In a vision, 
so the story runs, it had been foretold to the Romans 
that the leader of one army and the soldiers of the 
other were forfeited to the gods ; and when, during 


the battle, the plebeian consul, Marcus Decius Mus, 
who had been a hero in the previous war, saw that 
his line was falling back, he uttered a solemn prayer 
and threw himself into the thickest of the fight. By 
thus giving up his life, as the partial historians like 
to tell us that many Romans have done at various 
epochs, he ensured victory on this occasion, and sub- 
sequently the conquest of the world, to his country- 
men. Other battles and other victories followed, 
and the people of Latium became dependent upon 
Rome. The last engagement was at Antium, an 
ancient city on a promontory below Ostia, which, 
having a little navy, had interfered with the Roman 
commerce. The prows of the vessels of Antium 
were set up in the Roman forum as an ornament to 
the suggestum, or stage from w r hich orators addressed 
the people. This was called the rostra afterward. 
{Rostra, beaks of birds or ships.) 

Thus the city kept on adding to its dependents, 
and increasing its power. In 329, the Volscians 
were overcome and their long warfare with Rome 
ended. Two years later, the Romans declared war 
against Palseopolis and Neapolis, and after taking 
the Old City, made a league with the New. One 
war thus led to another, and as the Samnites, getting 
jealous of the increasing power of their ally, had 
aided these two cities, Rome declared war the sec- 
ond time against them, in 326. It proved the most 
important of the three Samnite wars, lasting upward 
of twenty years. The aim of each of the combatants 
seems to have been to gain as many allies as possi- 
ble, and to lessen the adherents of the enemy. For 


this reason the war was peculiar, the armies of Rome 
being often found in Apulia, and those of the enemy 
being ever ready to overrun Campania. 

Success at first followed the Samnite banners, and 
this was notably the case at the battle of Caudine 
Forks, fought in a pass on the road from Capua to 
Beneventum (then Maleventum), in the year 321, 
when the Romans were entrapped and all obliged to 
pass under the yoke. Such a success is apt to in- 
fluence allies, and this tended to strengthen the 
Samnites. It was not until seven years had passed 
that the Romans were able to make decided gains, 
and though their cause appeared quite hopeful, the 
very success brought new troubles, because it led the 
Etruscans to take part with the Samnites and to 
create a diversion on the north. This outbreak is 
said to have been quelled by Fabius Maximus Rullus, 
(a general whose personal prowess is vaunted in the 
highest terms by the historians of Rome,) who de- 
feated the Etruscans at Lake Vadimonis, B.C. 310. 
Success followed in the south, also, and in the year 
304, Bovianum, in the heart of Samnium, which had 
been before taken by them, fell into the hands of the 
Romans and closed the war, leaving Rome the most 
powerful nation in Central Italy. 

Unable to overcome its northern neighbor, Sam- 
nium now turned to attack Lucania, the country to 
the south, which reached as far as the Tarentine 
Gulf, just under the great heel of Italy. Magna 
Graecia was then in a state of decadence, and Luca- 
nia was an ally of Rome, which took its part against 
Samnium, not as loving Samnium less, but as loving 


power more. The struggle became very general. 
The Etruscans had begun a new war with Rome, but 
were about to treat for peace, when the Samnites 
induced them to break off the negotiations, and 
they attacked Rome at once on the north and the 
south. The undaunted Romans struck out with 
one arm against the Etruscans and their allies the 
Gauls on the north, and with the other hurled defi- 
ance at the Samnites on the south. The war was 
decided by a battle fought in 295, on the ridge of 
the Apennines, near the town of Sentinum in 
Umbria, where the allies had all managed to unite 
their forces. On this occasion it is related that 
Publius Decius Mus, son of that hero who had sacri- 
ficed himself at Mount Vesuvius, followed his father's 
example, devoted himself and the opposing army to 
the infernal gods, and thus enabled the Romans to 
achieve a splendid victory. 

The Samnites continued the desperate struggle 
five years longer, but in the year 290 they became 
subject to Rome ; their leader, the hero of the bat- 
tle of the Caudine Forks, having been taken two years 
previously and perfidiously put to death in Rome as 
the triumphal car of th~ victor ascended the Capito- 
line Hill. This is considered one of the darkest 
blots on the Roman name, and Dr. Arnold forcibly 
says that it shows that in their dealings with for- 
eigners, the Romans " had neither magnanimity, 
nor humanity, nor justice." 

The Etruscans and the Gauls did not yet cease their 
wars on the north, and in 283 they encountered the 
Roman army at the little pond, between the Cimin- 


ian Hills and the Tiber, known as Lake Vadimonis, 
on the spot where the Etrurian power had been 
broken thirty years before by Fabius Maximus, and 
were defeated with great slaughter. The constant 
wars had made the rich richer than before, while at 
the same time the poor were growing poorer, and 
after the third Samnite war we are ready to believe 
that debts were again pressing with heavy force 
upon many of the citizens. Popular tumults arose, 
and the usual remedy, an agrarian law, was proposed. 
There was a new secession of the people to the 
Janiculum, followed by the enactment of the Hor- 
tensian laws, celebrated in the history of jurispru- 
dence because they deprived the senate of its veto 
and declared that the voice of the people assembled 
in their tribes was supreme law. Debts were abol- 
ished or greatly reduced, and seven jugera of land 
were allotted to every citizen. We see from this 
that the commotions of our own days, made by so- 
cialists, communists, and nihilists, as they are called, 
are only repetitions of such agitations as those which 
took place so many centuries ago. 

In the midst of a storm in the especially boister- 
ous winter season of the year 280, the waves of the 
Mediterranean washed upon the shores of Southern 
Italy a brave man more dead than alive, who was to 
take the lead in the last struggle against the su- 
premacy of Rome among its neighbors. The winds 
and the waves had no respect for his crown. They 
knew not that he ruled over a strong people whose 
extensive mountainous land was known as the " con- 
tinent, and that he had left it with thousands of 


archers and slingers and footmen and knights ; and 
that he had also huge elephants trained to war 
beasts then unknown in Italian warfare, which he ex- 
pected would strike horror into the cavalry of the 
country he had been cast upon. 

As we study history, we find that at almost every 
epoch it centres about the personality -of some 
strong man who has either power to control, or sym- 
pathetic attractiveness that holds to him those who 
are around him. It was so in this case. Pyrrhus, 
King of Epirus, was born seven years after the great 
Alexander died, and was at this time thirty-seven 
years of age. Claiming descent from Pyhrrus, son of 
Achilles, and being a son of ./Eacides, he was in the di- 
rect line the Kings of Epirus. He was also cousin 
of an Alexander, who, in the year 332, had crossed 
over from Epirus to help the Tarentines against 
the Lucanians, had formed an alliance with the 
Romans, and had finally been killed by a Lucan- 
ian on the banks of the Acheron, in 326. After 
a variety of vicissitudes, Pyrrhus had ascended the 
throne of his father at the age of twenty-three, 
and, taking Alexander the Great as his model, had 
soon become popular and powerful. Aiming at 
the conquest of the whole of Greece, he attacked 
the king of Macedonia and overcame him. After 
resting a while upon his laurels, he found a life 
of inactivity unbearable, and accepted a request, 
sent him in 281, to follow in the footsteps of his 
cousin Alexander, and go to the help of the people 
of Tarentum against the Romans, with whom they 
were then at war. This is the reason why he was voya- 


ging in haste to Italy, and it was this ambition that 
led to his shipwreck on a winter's night. 

Pyrrhus had a counsellor named Cineas, who 
asked him how he would use his victory if he should 
be so fortunate as to overcome the Romans, who 
were reputed great warriors and conquerors of many 
peoples. The Romans overcome, replied the king, 
no city, Greek nor barbarian, would dare to oppose 
me, and I should be master of all Italy. Well, Italy 
conquered, what next ? Sicily next would hold out 
its arms to receive me, Pyrrhus replied. And, what 
next ? These would be but forerunners of greater 
victories. There are Libya and Carthage, said the 
king. Then ? Then, continued Pyrrhus, I should 
be able to master all Greece. And then ? continued 
Cineas. Then I would live at ease, eat and drink all 
day, and enjoy pleasant conversation. And what 
hinders you from taking now the ease that you are 
planning to take after such hazards and so much 
blood-shedding ? Here the conversation closed, for 
Pyrrhus could not answer this question. 

Once on the Italian shore the invading king 
marched to Tarentum, and found it a city of people 
given up to pleasures, who had no thought of fight- 
ing themselves, but expected that he would do that 
work for them while they enjoyed their theatres, 
their baths, and their festivities. They soon found, 
however, that they had a master instead of a servant. 
Pyrrhus shut up the theatres and was inflexible in 
demanding the services of the young and strong in 
the army. His preparations were made as promptly 
as possible, but Rome was ahead of him, and her 


army was superior, excepting that the Grecians 
brought elephants with them. The first battle was 
fought on the banks of the river Liris, and the 
elephants gave victory to the invader, but the valor 
of the Romans was such that Pyrrhus is said to have 
boasted that if he had such soldiers he could conquer 
the world, and to have confessed that another such 
victory would send him back to Epirus alone. It is 
not to be wondered at, therefore, that he sent Cineas 
to Rome to plead for peace. The Romans were on 
the point of entering into negotiations, when aged 
and blind Appius Claudius, hearing of it, caused 
himself to be carried to the forum, where he deliv- 
ered an impassioned protest against the proposed 
action. So effectual was he that the people became 
eager for war, and sent word to Pyrrhus that they 
would only treat with him when he should withdraw 
his forces from Italy. Pyrrhus then marched rapidly 
towards Rome, but when he had almost reached the 
city, after devastating the country through which he 
had passed, he learned that the Romans had made 
peace with the Etruscans, with whom they had 
been fighting, and that thus another army was free to 
act against him. He therefore retreated to winter 
quarters at Tarentum. The next year the two 
forces met on the edge of the plains of Apulia, at 
Asculum, but the battle resulted in no gain to 
Pyrrhus, who was again obliged to retire for the 
winter to Tarentum. (B.C. 279.) 

In the last battle the brunt of the fighting had 
fallen to the share of the Epirots, and Pyrrhus was 
not anxious to sacrifice his comparatively few re- 


maining troops for the benefit of the Tarentines. 
Therefore, after arranging a truce with Rome, he 
accepted an invitation from the Greeks of Sicily to 
go to their help against the Carthaginians. For two 
years he fought, at first with success ; but afterwards 
he met repulses, so that being again asked to. assist 
his former allies in Italy, he returned, in 276, and for 
two years led the remnants of his troops and the 
mercenaries that he had attracted to his standard 
against the Romans. His Italian career closed in 
the year 274, when he encountered his enemy in the 
neighborhood of Maleventum, and was defeated, the 
Romans having learned how to meet the formerly 
dreaded elephants. The name of this place was then 
changed to Beneventum. Two years later still, in 
272, Tarentum fell under the sway of Rome, which 
soon had overcome every nation on the peninsula 
south of a line marked by the Rubicon on the east 
and the Macra on the west, — the boundaries of Gallia 
Cisalpina. (Cis, on this side, alpina, alpine.) 

Not only had Rome thus gained power and pres- 
tige at home, but she had begun to come in contact 
with more distant peoples. Carthage had offered to 
assist her after the battle of Asculum, sending a large 
fleet of ships to Ostia in earnest of her good faith. 
Now, when the news of the permanent repulse of the 
proud king of Epirus was spread abroad, great 
Ptolemy Philadelphus, the Egyptian patron of art, 
literature, and science, sent an embassy empowered 
to conclude a treaty of amity with the republic. 
The proposition was accepted with earnestness, 
and ambassadors of the highest rank were sent to 


Alexandria, where they were treated with extraordi- 
nary consideration, and allowed to see all the splen- 
dor of the Egyptian capital. 

Rome had now reached a position of wealth and 
physical prosperity ; the rich had gained much land, 
and the poor had been permitted to share the gen- 
eral progress ; commerce, agriculture, and, to some 
extent, manufactures had advanced. Rome kept a 
firm hold upon all of the territory she had won, con- 
necting them with the capital by good roads, but 
making no arrangements for free communication be- 
tween the chief cities of the conquered regions. The 
celebrated military roads, of which we now can see 
the wonderful remains, date from a later period, with 
the exception of the Appian Way, which was begun 
in 312, and, after the conquest of Italy was com- 
pleted to Brundusium, through Capua, Tres Ta- 
berna, and Beneventum. Other than this there 
were a number of earth roads leading from Rome in 
various directions. One of the most ancient of 
these was that over which Pyrrhus marched as far as 
Praeneste, known as the Via Latina, which ran over 
the Tusculum Hills, and the Alban Mountain. The 
Via Ostiensis ran down the left bank of the Tiber ; 
the Via Saleria ran up the river to Tibur, and was 
afterward continued, as the Via Valeria, over the 
Apennines to the Adriatic. 

The population of Italy (at this time less than 
three million)was divided into three general classes : 
first, the Roman Citizens, comprising the members of 
the thirty-three tribes, stretching from Veil to the 
river Liris, the citizens in the Roman colonies, and 



in certain municipal towns ; the Latin Name, includ- 
ing the inhabitants of the colonies generally, and 
some of the most flourishing towns of Italy ; and the 
Allies, or all other inhabitants of the peninsula who 


were dependent upon Rome, but liked to think that 
they were not subjects. The Romans had been 
made rich and prosperous by war, and were ready to 
plunge into any new struggle promising additional 
power and wealth. 


All the time that the events that we have been 
giving our attention to were occurring — that is to 
say, ever since the foundation of Rome, another city 
had been growing up on the opposite side of the Medi- 
terranean Sea, in which a different kind of civilization 
had been developed. Carthage, of which we have 
already heard, was founded by citizens of Phoenicia. 
The early inhabitants were from Tyre, that old city 
of which we read in the Bible, which in the earliest 
times was famous for its rich commerce. How long 
the people of Phoenicia had lived in their narrow 
land under the shadow of great Libanus, we cannot 
tell, though Herodotus, when writing his history, 
went there to find out, and reported that at that 
time Tyre had existed twenty-three hundred years, 
which would make its foundation forty-five hundred 
years ago, and more. However that may be, the 
purple of Tyre and the glass of Sidon, another and 
still older Phoenician city, were celebrated long be- 
fore Rome was heard of. It was from this ancient 
land that the people of Carthage had come. It has 
been usual for emigrants to call their cities in a new 
land " new," (as Nova Sr otia, New York, New Eng- 



land, New Town, or Newburg,) and that is the way 
in which Carthage was named, for the word means, 
in the old language of the Phoenicians, simply new 
city, just as Naples was merely the Greek for new 
city, as we have already seen. 

Through six centuries, the people of Carthage had 
been permitted by the mother-city to attend dili- 
gently to their commerce, their agriculture, and to 


the building up of colonies along the southern coast 
of the Mediterranean, and the advantages of their 
position soon gave them the greatest importance 
among the colonies of the Phoenicians. There was 
Utica, near by, which had existed for near three 
centuries longer than Carthage, but its situation was 
not so favorable, and it fell behind. Tunes, now 
called Tunis, was but ten or fifteen miles away, but 
it also was of less importance. The commerce of 
Carthage opened the way for foreign conquest. 


and so, besides having a sort of sovereignty ovei 
all the peoples on the northern coast of Africa, 
she established colonies on Sardinia, Corsica, Sicily, 
and other Mediterranean islands, and history does 
not go back far enough to tell us at how early a date 
she had obtained peaceable possessions in Spain, 
from the mines of which she derived a not inconsid- 
erable share of her riches. 

Perhaps it may be thought strange that Carthage 
and Rome had not come into conflict before the 
time of which we are writing, for the distance be- 
tween the island of Sicily and the African coast is so 
small that but a few hours would have been occupied 
in sailing across. It may be accounted for by the 
facts that the Carthaginians attended to their own 
business, and the Romans did not engage to any ex- 
tent in maritime enterprises. On several occasions, 
however, Carthage had sent her compliments across 
to Rome, though Rome does not appear to have 
reciprocated them to any great degree ; and four 
formal treaties between the cities are reported, B.C. 
509, 348, 306, and 279. 

It is said that when Pyrrhus, King of Epirus, was 
about to leave Sicily, he exclaimed : " What a grand 
arena* this would be for Rome and Carthage to con= 
tend upon ! " It did not require the wisdom of an 

* Arena in Latin meant " sand," and as the cental portions of the 
amphitheatres were strewn with sand to absorb the blood of the fight- 
ing gladiators and beasts, an arena came to mean, as at present, any 
open, public place for an exhibition. To the ancients, however, it 
brought to mind the desperate combats to which the thousands of 
spectators were wont to pay wrapt attention, and it was a much more 
vivid word than it now is. 


oracle to suggest that such a contest would come 
at some time, for the rich island lay just between the 
two cities, apparently ready to be grasped by the 
more enterprising or the stronger. As Carthage saw 
the gradual extension of Roman authority over 
Southern Italy, she realized that erelong the strong 
arm would reach out too far in the direction of the 
African continent. She was, accordingly, on her 
guard, as she needed to be. 

At about the time of the beginning of the war 
with Pyrrhus, a band of soldiers from Campania, 
which had been brought to Sicily, took possession of 
the town of Messana, a place on the eastern end of 
the island not far from the celebrated rocks Scylla 
and Charybdis, opposite Rhegium. Calling them- 
selves Mamertines, after Mars, one form of whose 
name was Mamers, these interlopers began to extend 
their power over the island. In their contests with 
Hiero, King of Syracuse, they found themselves in 
need of help. In the emergency there was a fatal 
division of counsel, one party wishing to call upon 
Rome and the other thinking best to ask Carthage, 
which already held the whole of the western half 
of the island and the northern coast, and had for 
centuries been aiming at complete possession of the 
remainder. Owing to this want of united purpose 
it came about that both cities were appealed to, and 
it very naturally happened that the fortress of the 
Mamertines was occupied by a garrison from Car- 
thage before Rome was able to send its army. 

The Roman senate had hesitated to send help to 
the Mamertines because they were people whom 



they had driven out of Rhegium, as robbers, six 
years before, with the aid of the same Hiero, of Syra- 
cuse, who was now besieging them. However, the 
people of Rome, not troubled with the honest 
scruples of the senate, were, under the direction of 
the consuls, inflamed by the hope of conquest and of 
the riches that they expected would follow success, 
and a war which lasted twenty-three years was the 
result of their reckless greed (B.C. 264). 

The result was really decided during the first two 
years, for the Romans persuaded the Mamertines to 
expel the Carthaginians from Messana, and then, 
though besieged by them and by Hiero, drove them 
both off, and in the year 263 took many Sicilian 
towns and even advanced to Syracuse. Then Hiero 
concluded a peace with Rome to which he was faith- 
ful to the time of his death, fifty years afterward. 
The Sicilian city next to. Syracuse in importance was 
Agrigentum, and this the Romans took the next 
year, thus turning the tables and making themselves 
instead of the Carthaginians masters of most of the 
important island, with the exception of Panormus 
and Mount Eryx, near Drepanum (B.C. 262). 

The Carthaginians, beinga commercial people, were 
well supplied with large ships, and the Romans now 
saw that they, too, must have a navy. Possessing 
no models on which to build ships of war larger than 
those with three banks of oars,* they took advantage 

* The ancient war vessels were moved by both sails and oars ; but 
the oars were the great dependence in a fight. At first there was but 
one bank of oars ; but soon there were two rows of oarsmen, seated 
one above the other, the uppermost having long oars. After awhile 
three banks were arranged, then four, now five, and later more, the 



of the fact that a Carthaginian vessel of five banks 
(a quinquireme) was wrecked on their shores, and in 
the remarkably short space of time of less than two 
months built and launched one hundred and thirty 
vessels of that size ! They were clumsy, however, 
and the crews that manned them were poorly trained, 
but, nevertheless, the bold Romans ventured, under 
command of Caius Duilius, to attack the enemy off 


the Sicilian town of Mylae, and the Carthaginians 
were overwhelmed, what remained of their fleet be- 
ing forced to seek safety in flight. The naval prestige 

uppermost oars being of immense length, and requiring several men to 
operate each. "We do not now know exactly how so many ranges of 
rowers were accommodated, nor how such unwieldy oars were man- 
aged. The Athenians tried various kinds of ships, but concluded that 
light and active vessels were better than awkward quinquiremes. 


of Carthage was destroyed. There was a grand cele- 
bration of the victory at Rome, and a column 
adorned with the ornamental prows of ships was set 
up in the forum. 

For a few years the war was pursued with but 
little effect ; but in the ninth year, when the favor- 
ite Marcus Atilius Regulus was consul, it was de- 
termined to carry it on with more vigor, to invade 
Africa with an overwhelming force, and, if possible, 
close the struggle. Regulus sailed from Economus, 
not far from Agrigentum, with three hundred and 
thirty vessels and one hundred thousand men, but 
his progress was soon interrupted by the Cartha- 
ginian fleet, commanded by Hamilcar. After one of 
the greatest sea-fights of all time, in which the 
Carthaginians lost nearly a hundred ships and many 
men, the Romans gained the victory, and found 
nothing to hinder their progress to the African 
shore. The enemy hastened with the remainder of 
their fleet to protect Carthage, and the conflict was 
transferred to Africa. Regulus prosecuted the war 
with vigor, and, owing to the incompetence of the 
generals opposed to him, was successful to an extra- 
ordinary degree. Both he and the senate became 
intoxicated to such an extent, that when the Cartha- 
ginians made overtures for peace, only intolerable 
terms were offered them. This resulted in prolong- 
ing the war, for the Carthaginians called to their aid 
Xanthippus, a Spartan general, who showed them 
the weakness of their officers, and, finally, when his 
army had been well drilled, offered battle to Regulus 
on level ground, where the dreaded African elephants 


were of service, instead of among the mountains. 
The Roman army was almost annihilated, and Regu- 
lus himself was taken prisoner (B.C. 255). 

The Romans saw that to retain a footing in Africa 
they must first have control of the sea. Though the 
fleet that brought back the remains of the army of 
Regulus was destroyed, another of two hundred and 
twenty ships was made ready in three months, only, 
however, to meet a similar fate off Cape Palinurus 
on the coast of Lucania. The Romans, at Panormus 
(now Palermo), were, in the year 250, attacked by 
the Carthaginians, over whom they gained a victory 
which decided the struggle, though it was continued 
nine years longer, owing to the rich resources of the 
Carthaginians. After this defeat an embassy was 
sent to Rome to ask terms of peace. Regulus, who 
had then been five years a captive, accompanied it, 
and, it is said, urged the senate not to make terms. 
He then returned to Carthage and suffered a terrible 
death. The character given him in the old histories 
and his horrible fate made Regulus the favorite of 
orators for ages. 

The Romans now determined to push the war vigor- 
ously, and began the siege of Lilybaeum (now Mar- 
sala), which was the only place besides Drepanum, fif- 
teen miles distant, yet remaining to the enemy on the 
island of Sicily (B.C. 250). It was not until the end of 
the war that the Carthaginians could be forced from 
these two strongholds. Six years before that time 
(B.C. 247), there came to the head of Carthaginian 
affairs a man of real greatness, Hamilcar Barca, 
whose last name is said to mean lightning; but 


even he was not strong enough to overcome the 
difficulties caused by the faults of others, and in 241 
he counselled peace, which was accordingly conclud- 
ed, though Carthage was obliged to pay an enormous 
indemnity, and to give up her claim to Sicily, which 
became a part of the Roman dominion (the first 
" province " so-called), governed by an officer annually 
sent from Rome. .Hamilcar had at first established 
himself on Mount Ercte, overhanging Panormus, 
whence he made constant descents upon the enemy, 
ravaging the coast as far as Mount ^Etna. Suddenly 
he quitted this place and occupied Mount Eryx ; 
another height, overlooking Drepanum, where he sup- 
ported himself two years longer, and the Romans 
despaired of dislodging him. 

In their extremity, they twice resorted to the navy, 
and at last, with a fleet of two hundred ships, defeated 
the Carthaginians off the ^Egusae Islands, to the west 
of Sicily, and as the resources of Hamilcar were then 
cut off, it was only a question of time when the ar- 
mies at Eryx, Drepanum, and Lilybseum would be re- 
duced by famine. It was in view cf this fact that the 
settlement was effected. 

A period of peace followed this long war, during 
which at one time, in the year 235, the gates of the 
temple of Janus, which were always open during 
war and had not been shut since the days of Numa, 
were closed, but it was only for a short space. After 
this war, the Carthaginians became involved with 
their own troops, who arose in mutiny because they 
could not get their pay, and Rome took advantage of 
this to rob them of the islands of Sardinia and Cor- 


sica, and at the same time to demand a large addition 
to the indemnity fund that had been agreed upon at 
the peace (B.C. 227). Such arbitrary treatment of a 
conquered foe could not fail to beget and keep alive 
the deepest feelings of resentment, of which, in after 
years, Rome reaped the bitter fruits. 

The Adriatic Sea was at that time infested with pi- 
rates from Illyria, the country north of Epirus, just 
over the sea to the east of Italy, and as Roman towns 
suffered from their inroads, an embassy was sent to 
make complaint. One of these peaceful messengers 
was murdered by direction of the queen of the coun- 
try, Teuta, by name, and of course war was declared, 
which ended in the overthrow of the treacherous 
queen. Her successor, however, when he thought 
that the Romans were too much occupied with other 
matters to oppose him successfully, renewed the pi- 
ratical incursions (B.C. 219), and in spite of the other 
wars this brought out a sufficient force from Rome. 
The Illyrian sovereign was forced to fly, and all his 
domain came under the Roman power. 

Meantime the Romans had begun to think of the 
extensive tracts to the north acquired from the Gauls, 
and in 232 B.C., a law was passed dividing them among 
the poorer people and the veterans, in the expecta- 
tion of attracting inhabitants to that part of Italy. 
The barbarians were alarmed by the prospect of the 
approach of Roman civilization, and in 225, united 
to make a new attack upon their old enemies. When 
it was rumored at Rome that the Gauls were prepar- 
ing to make a stand and probably intended to invade 
the territory of their southern neighbors, the terrible 


days 01 the Allia were vividly brought to mind and 
the greatest consternation reigned. The Sibylline or 
other sacred books were carefully searched for coun- 
sel in the emergency, and in obedience to instructions 
therein found, two Gauls and two Greeks (a man and 
a woman of each nation) were buried alive in the Fo- 
rum Boarium,* and the public excitement somewhat 
allayed in that horrible way. A large army was im- 
mediately raised, and sent to meet the Gauls at Ari- 
minum on the Adriatic, but they avoided it by tak- 
ing a route further to the west. They were met by 
a reserve force, however, which suffered a great de- 
feat, probably near Clusium. Afterwards the main 
army effected a junction with another body coming 
from Pisa, and as the Gauls were attacked on both 
sides at once, they were annihilated. This battle 
occurred near Telamon, in Etruria, not far from 
the mouth of the Umbria. The victory was fol- 
lowed up, and after three years, the whole of the 
valley of the Po, between the Alps and the Apen- 
nines, was made a permanent addition to Roman 
territory. Powerful colonies were planted at Pla- 
centia and Cremona to secure it. 

No greater generals come before us in the grand 
story of Rome than those who are now to appear. 

* The Forum Eoarium, though one of the largest and most cele- 
brated public places in the city, was not a regular market surrounded 
with walls, but an irregular space bounded by the Tiber on the west, 
and the Palatine Hill and the Circus Maximus on the east. The 
Cloaca Maxima ran beneath it, and it was rich in temples and monu- 
ments. On it the first gladiatorial exhibition occurred, B.C. 264, and 
there too, other burials of living persons had been made, in spite of the 
long-ago abolishment of such rites by Numa. 



One was born while the first Punic war was still 
raging, and the other in the year 235, when the gates 
of the temple of Janus were, for the first time in 


centuries, closed in token that Rome was at peace 
with the world. Hannibal, the elder of the two was 
son of Hamilcar Barca, and inherited his father's 
hatred of Rome, to which, indeed, he had been 


bound by a solemn oath, willingly sworn upon the 
altar at the dictation of his father. 

When Livy began his story of the second war 
between Rome and Carthage, he said that he was 
about to relate the most memorable of all wars that 
ever were waged ; and though we may not express 
ourselves in such general terms, it is safe to say that 
no struggle recorded in the annals of antiquity, or of 
the middle age, surpasses it in importance or in his- 
torical interest. The war was to decide whether 
the conqueror of the world was to be self-centred 
Rome ; or whether it should be a nation of traders, 
commanded by a powerful general who dictated to 
them their policy, — a nation not adapted to unite the 
different peoples in bonds of sympathy, — one whose 
success would, in the words of Dr. Arnold, "have 
stopped the progress of the world." 

Hannibal stands out among the famed generals of 
history as one of the very greatest. We must 
remember that we have no records of his own coun- 
trymen to show how he was estimated among them ; 
but we know that though he was poorly supported 
by the powers at home, he was able to keep together 
an army of great size, by the force of his own per- 
sonality, and to wage a disastrous war against the 
strongest people of his age, far from his base of sup- 
plies, in the midst of the enemy's country. It has 
well been said that the greatest masters of the art of 
war, from Scipio to Napoleon, have concurred in 
homage to his genius. 

The other hero, and the successful one, in the 
great struggle, was Publius Cornelius Scipio, who 


was born in that year when the temple of Janus was 
closed, of a family that for a series of generations 
had been noted in Roman history, and was to con- 
tinue illustrious for generations to come. 

Another among the many men of note who came 
into prominence during the second war with Car- 
thage was Quintus Fabius Maximus, a descendant 
of that Rullus who in the Sabine wars brought the 
names Fabius and Maximus into prominence. His 
life is given by Plutarch under the name Fabius, 
and he is remembered as the originator of the policy 
of delay in war, as our dictionaries tell us, because 
his plan was to worry his enemy, rather than risk a 
pitched battle with him. On this account the 
Romans called him Cunctator, which meant delayer, 
or one who is slow though safe, not rash. He was 
called also Ovicula, or the lamb, on account of his 
mild temper, and Verrucosus, because he had a wart 
on his upper lip ( Verruca, a wart). 

The second Punic war was not so much a struggle 
between Carthage and Rome, as a war entered into 
by Hannibal and carried on by him against the 
Roman republic in spite of the opposition of his own 
people ; and this fact makes the strength of his 
character appear in the strongest light. Just at the 
close of the first war, the Carthaginians had estab- 
lished in Spain a city which took the name of New 
Carthage — that is, New New City, — and had extended 
their dominion over much of that country, as well as 
over most of the territory on the south shore of the 
Mediterranean Sea. Hannibal laid seige to the in- 
dependent city of Saguntum, on the northeast of 


New Carthage, and, after several months of desperate 
resistance, took it, thus throwing down the gauntlet 
to Rome and completing the dominion of Carthage 
in that region (B.C. 218). Rome sent ambassadors 
to Carthage, to ask reparation and the surrender of 
Hannibal : but " War ! " was the only response, and 
for seventeen years a struggle of the most determined 
sort was carried on by Hannibal and the Roman 

After wintering at New Carthage, Hannibal 
started for Italy with a great army. He crossed the 
Pyrenees, went up the valley of the Rhone, and 
then up the valley of the Isere, and most probably 
crossed the Alps by the Little St. Bernard pass. It 
was an enterprise of the greatest magnitude to take 
an army of this size through a hostile country, over 
high mountains, in an inclement season ; but no 
difficulty daunted this general. In five months he 
found himself in the valley of the Duria (modern 
Dora Baltea), in Northern Italy, with a force of 
twenty thousand foot and six thousand cavalry (the 
remains of the army of ninety-four thousand that 
had left New Carthage), with which he expected to 
conquer a country that counted its soldiers by the 
hundred thousand. The father of the great Scipio 
met Hannibal in the plains west of the Ticinus, and 
was routed, retreating to the west bank of the Trebia, 
where the Romans, with a larger force, were 
again defeated, though the December cold caused 
the invading army great suffering and killed all the 
elephants but one. The success of the Carthaginians 
led the Gauls to flock to their standard, and Hanni- 



bal found himself able to push forward with increas- 
ing vigor. 

Taking the route toward the capital, he met the 
Romans at Lake Trasimenus, and totally routed them, 
killing the commander, Caius Flaminius, who had 
come from Arretium to oppose him. The defeat 
was accounted for by the Romans by the fact that 
Flaminius, always careless about his religious ob- 
servances, had broken camp at Ariminum, whence 
he had come to Arretium, though the signs had 
been against him, and had also previously neglected 
the usual solemnities upon his election as consul 
before going to Ariminum. The policy of Hanni- 
bal was to make friends of the allies of Rome, in 
order to attract them to his support, and after his 
successes he carefully tended the wounded and sent 
the others away, often with presents. He hoped to 
undermine Rome by taking away her allies, and after 
this great success he did not march to the capital, 
though he was distant less than a hundred miles 
from it, because he expected to see tokens that his 
policy was a success. 

The dismay that fell upon Rome when it was 
known that her armies had twice been routed, can 
better be imagined than described. The senate came 
together, and for two days carefully considered the 
critical state of affairs. They decided that it was 
necessary to appoint a dictator, and Fabius Maximus 
was chosen. Hannibal in the meantime continued 
to avoid Rome, and to march through the regions on 
the Adriatic, hoping to arouse the inhabitants to his 
support. In vain were his efforts. Even the Gauls 


seemed now to have forgotten him, and Carthage 
itself did not send him aid. Fabius strove to keep 
to the high lands, where it was impossible for Han- 
nibal to attack him, while he harassed him or tried 
to shut him up in some defile. 

In the spring of the year 216, both parties were 
prepared for a more terrible struggle than had yet 
been seen. The Romans put their forces under one 
Varro, a business man, who was considered the 
champion of popular liberty. The armies met on 
the field of Cannae, on the banks of the river Aufidus 
which enters the Adriatic, and there the practical 
man was defeated with tremendous slaughter, though 
he was able himself to escape toward the mountains 
to Venusia, and again to return to Canusium. There 
he served the state so well that his defeat was almost 
forgotten, and he was actually thanked by the sen- 
ate for his skill in protecting the remnant of the 
wasted army. 

The people now felt that the end of the republic 
had come, but still they would not listen to Hannibal 
when he sent messengers to ask terms of peace. They 
were probably surprised when, instead of marching 
upon their capital, the Carthaginian remained in 
comparative inactivity, in pursuance of his former 
policy. He was not entirely disappointed this time, 
in expecting that his brilliant victory would lead 
some of the surrounding nations to declare in his 
favor, for finally the rich city of Capua, which con- 
sidered itself equal to Rome, opened to him its gates, 
and he promised to make it the capital of Italy 
(B.C. 216). With Capua went the most of Southern 


Italy, and Hannibal thought that the war would 
soon end after such victories, but he was mistaken. 

Two other sources of help gave him hope, but at 
last failed him. Philip V., one of the ablest mon- 
archs of Macedon, who had made a treaty with Han- 
nibal after the battle of Cannae, tried to create a 
diversion in his favor on the other side of the Adri- 
atic, but his schemes were not energetically pressed, 
and failed. Again, a new king of Syracuse, who had 
followed Hiero, offered direct assistance, but he, too, 
was overcome, and his strong and wealthy city taken 
with terrible carnage, though the scientific skill of 
the famous Archimedes long enabled its ruler to baffle 
the Roman generals (B.C. 212). The Romans overran 
the Spanish peninsula, too, and though they were for 
a time brought to a stand, in the year 210 the state 
of affairs changed. A young man of promise, who 
had, however, never been tried in positions of great 
trust, was sent out. It was the great Scipio, who 
has been already mentioned. He captured New 
Carthage, made himself master of Spain, and was 
ready by the year 207 to take the last step, as he 
thought it would be, by carrying the war into Africa, 
and thus obliging Hannibal to withdraw from Italy. 

At home, the aged Fabius was meantime the 
trusted leader in public counsels, and by his careful 
generalship Campania had been regained. Capua, 
too, had been recaptured, though that enterprise had 
been undertaken in spite of his cautious advice. 
Hannibal was thus obliged to withdraw to Lower 
Italy, after he had threatened Rome by marching 
boldly up to its very gates. The Samnites and 



Lucanians submitted, and Tarentum fell into the 
hands of Fabius, whose active career then closed. 
He had opposed the more aggressive measures of 
Scipio which were to lead to success, but we can 
hardly think that the old commander was led to do this 


because, seeing that victory was to be the result, he 
envied the younger soldier who was to achieve 
the final laurels, though Plutarch mentions that 
sinister motive. The career of Fabius, which had 
opened at the battle of Cannae, and had been success- 


ful ever since, culminated in his triumph after the 
fall of Tarentum, which occurred in B.C. 209. 

Now the Carthaginian army in Spain, under com- 
mand of Hasdrubal, made an effort to go to the 
help of Hannibal, and, taking the same route by the 
Little St. Bernard pass, arrived in Italy (B.C. 208) 
almost before the enemy was aware of its intention. 
Hannibal, on his part, began to march northward 
from his southern position, and after gaining some 
unimportant victories, arrived at Canusium, where 
he stopped to wait for his brother. The Romans, 
however, managed to intercept the dispatches of 
Hasdrubal, and marched against him, in the spring 
of 207, after he had wasted much time in unsuccess- 
fully besieging Placentia. The two armies met on 
the banks of the river Metaurus. The Cartha- 
ginians were defeated with terrible slaughter, and 
the Romans felt that the calamity of Cannae was 
avenged. Hasdrubal's head was sent to his brother, 
who exclaimed at the sight : " I recognize the doom 
of Carthage ! " 

For four years Hannibal kept his army among the 
mountains of Southern Italy, feeling that his effort 
at conquering Rome had failed. Meantime Scipio 
was making arrangements to carry out his favorite 
project, though in face of much opposition from 
Fabius and from the senate, which followed his lead. 
The people were, however, with Scipio, and though 
he was not able to make such complete preparations 
as he wished, by the year 204 he had made ready to 
set out from Lilybaeum for Africa. At Utica he 
was joined by his allies, and, in 203, defeated the 


Carthaginians and caused them to look anxiously 
across the sea toward their absent general for help, 
Pretending to desire peace, they took advantage of 
the time gained by negotiations to send for Hanni- 
bal, who reached Africa before the year closed, after 
an absence of fifteen years, and took up his position 
at Hadrumentum, where he looked over the field 
and sadly determined to ask for terms of peace. 
Scipio was desirous of the glory of closing the long 
struggle, and refused to make terms, thus forcing 
Hannibal to continue the war. The Romans went 
about ravaging the country until, at last, a pitched 
battle was brought about at a place near Zama, in 
which, though Hannibal managed his army with his 
usual skill, he was overcome and utterly routed. 
He now again advised peace, and accepted less 
favorable terms than had been before offered. 
Henceforth Carthage was to pay an annual war- 
contribution to Rome, and was not to enter upon 
war with any nation in Africa, or anywhere else, 
without the consent of her conquerors. Scipio re- 
turned to Rome in the year 201, and enjoyed a 
magnificent triumph, the name Africanus being at 
the same time added to his patronymic. Other 
honors were offered him, but the most extraordinary 
of them he declined to accept. 

Hannibal, though overcome, stands forth as the 
greatest general. At the age of forty-five he now 
found himself defeated in the proud plans of his 
youth ; but, with manly strength, he refused to be 
cast down, and set about work for the improvement 
of his depressed city. It was not long before he 


aroused the opposition which has often come to 
public benefactors, and was obliged to flee from Car- 
thage. From that time, he was a wanderer on the 
earth. Ever true to his hatred of Rome, however, 
he continued to plot for her downfall even in his 
exile. He went to Tyre and then to Ephesus, and 
tried to lead the Syrian monarch Antiochus to make 
successful inroads upon his old enemy. Obliged to 
flee in turn from Ephesus, he sought an asylum at 
the court of Prusias, King of Bithynia. At last, 
seeing that he was in danger of being delivered up 
to the Romans, in despair he took his own life at 
Libyssa, in the year 182 or 181. Thus ignominiously 
ended the career of the man who stood once at the 
head of the commanders of the world, and whose 
memory is still honored for the magnificence of his 
ambition in daring to attack and expecting to con- 
quer the most powerful nation of his time. 



There were days of tumult in Rome in the year 
195, which illustrate the temper of the times, and 
show how the city and the people had changed, and 
were changing, under the influence of two opposite 
forces. A vivid picture of the scenes around the 
Capitol at the time has been preserved. Men were 
hastening to the meeting of the magistrates from 
every direction. The streets were crowded, and not 
with men chiefly, for something which interested the 
matrons seemed to be uppermost, and women were 
thronging in the same direction, in spite of custom, 
which would have kept them at home ; in spite even 
of the commands of many of their husbands, who 
were opposed to their frequenting public assemblies. 
Not only on one day did the women pour out into 
all the avenues leading to the forum, but once and 
again they thrust themselves into the presence of 
the law-makers. Nor were they content to stand or 
sit in quiet while their husbands and brothers argued 
and made eloquent speeches ; they actually solicited 
the votes of the stronger sex in behalf of a motion 
that was evidently very important in their minds. 

Of old time, the Romans had thought that women 


should keep at home, and that in the transaction of 
private business even they should be under the di- 
rection of their parents, brothers, or husbands. What 
had wrought so great a change that on these days 
the Roman matrons not only ventured into the 
forum, but actually engaged in public business, and 
that, as has been said, in many instances, in opposi- 
tion to those parents, brothers, and husbands who 
were in those old times their natural directors ? We 
shall find the reason by going back to the days when 
the cost of the Punic wars bore heavily upon the 
state. It was then that a law was passed that no 
woman should wear any garment of divers colors, 
nor own more gold than a half-ounce in weight, nor 
ride through the streets of a city in a carriage drawn 
by horses, nor in any place nearer than a mile to a 
town, except for the purpose of engaging in a public 
religious solemnity. The spirited matrons of Rome 
were ever ready to bear their share of the public bur- 
dens, and though some thought this oppressive, but 
few murmurs escaped them as they read the Oppian 
law, as it was called, when it was passed, for the days 
were dark, and the shadow of the defeat at Cannae 
was bowing down all hearts, and their brothers and 
parents and husbands were trembling, strong men 
that they were, at the threatening situation of the 
state. NoWj however, the condition of affairs had 
changed. The conquests of the past few years had 
brought large wealth into the city, and was it to be 
expected that women should not wish to adorn 
themselves, as of yore, with gold and garments of 
richness ? 



When now the repeal of the law was to be dis- 
cussed, the excitement became so intense that people 
forgot that Spain was in a state of insurrection, and 
that war threatened on every side. Women thronged 
to the city from towns and villages, and even dared, 
as has been said, to approach the consuls and other 
magistrates to solicit their votes. Marcus Porcius 
Cato, a young man of about forty years, who had 
been brought up on a farm, and looked with the 
greatest respect upon the virtue of the olden times, 
before Grecian influences had crept in to soften and 
refine the hard Roman character, represented the 
party of conservatism. Now, thought he, is an op- 
portunity for me to stand against the corrupting 
influence of Magna Graecia. He therefore rose and 
made a long speech in opposition to the petition of 
the matrons. He thought they had become thus 
contumacious, he said, because the men had not 
individually exercised their rightful authority over 
their own wives. " The privileges of men are now 
spurned, trodden under foot," he exclaimed, " and 
we, who have shown that we are unable to stand 
against the women separately, are now utterly pow- 
erless against them as a body. Their behavior is 
outrageous. I was rilled with painful emotions of 
shame as I just now made my way into the forum 
through the midst of a body of women. Will you 
consent to give the reins to their intractable nature 
and their uncontrolled passions ? The moment they 
had arrived at equality with you, they will have 
become your superiors. What motive that common 
decency will allow is pretended for this female insur- 


rection ? Why, that they may shine in gold and 
purple ; that they may ride through our city in 
chariots triumphing over abrogated law ; that there 
maybe no bounds to waste and luxury! So soon 
as the law shall cease to limit the expenses of the 
wife, the husband will be powerless to set bounds to 
them." As the uttermost measure of the abasement 
to which the women had descended, Cato declared 
with indignation that they had solicited votes, and 
he concluded by saying that though he called upon 
the gods to prosper whatever action should be agreed 
upon, he thought that on no account should the 
Oppian law be set aside. 

When Cato had finished, one of the plebeian tri- 
bunes, Lucius Valerius, replied to him sarcastically, 
saying that in spite of the mild disposition of the 
speaker who had just concluded, he had uttered 
some severe things against the matrons, though he 
had not argued very efficiently against the measure 
they supported. He referred his hearers to a book 
of Cato's,* called Origines, or " Antiquities," in 
which it was made clear that in the old times women 
had appeared in public, and with good effect too. 
" Who rushed into the forum in the days of Rom- 
ulus, and stopped the fight with the Sabines?" he 
asked. "Who went out and turned back the army 
of the great Coriolanus? Who brought their gold 
and jewels into the forum when the Gauls demanded 
a great ransom for the city? Who went out to the 
sea-shore during the late war to receive the Idsean 

* Livy is authority for this statement, but it has been doubted if 
Cato's book had been written at the time. 


mother (Cybele) when new gods were invited hither 
to relieve our distresses? Who poured out their 
riches to supply a depleted treasury during that 
same war, now so fresh in memory? Was it not the 
Roman matrons? Masters do not disdain to listen 
to the prayers of their slaves, and we are asked, 
forsooth, to shut our ears to the petitions of our 
wives ! 

" I have shown that women have now done no new 
thing. I will go on and prove that they ask no 
unreasonable thing. It is true that good laws should 
not be rashly repealed ; but we must not forget that 
Rome existed for centuries without this one, and 
that Roman matrons established their high char- 
acter, about which Cato is so solicitous, during that 
period, the return of which he now seems to think 
would be subversive of every thing good. This law 
served well in a time of trial ; but that has passed, 
and we are enjoying the return of plenty. Shall our 
matrons be the only ones who may not feel the 
improvement that has followed a successful war? 
Shall our children, and we ourselves, wear purple, 
and shall it be interdicted to our wives ? Elegances 
of appearance and ornaments and dress are the 
women's badges of distinction ; in them they delight 
and glory, and our ancestors called them the women's 
world. Still, they desire to be under control of 
those who are bound to them by the bonds of love, 
not by stern law, in these matters. The consul just 
now used invidious terms, calling this a female 
'secession,' as though our matrons were about to 
seize the Sacred Mount or the Aventine, as the 


plebeians did of yore ; but their feeble nature is 
incapable of such a thing. They must necessarily 
submit to what you think proper, and the greater 
your power the more moderation should you use in 
exercising it." Thus, day after day, the men spoke 
and the women poured out to protest, until even 
stern and inflexible Cato gave way, and women were 
declared free from the restrictions of the Oppian law. 
Cato and Scipio represented the two forces that 
were at this time working in society, the one op- 
posing the entrance of the Grecian influence, and the 
other encouraging the refinement in manners and 
modes of living that came with it, even encour- 
aging ostentation and the lavish use of money for 
pleasures. When Scipio was making his arrange- 
ments to go to Africa, he was governor of Sicily, 
and lived in luxury. Cato, then but thirty years old, 
had been sent to Sicily to investigate his proceed- 
ings, and act as a check upon him; but Scipio 
seems to have been little influenced by the young 
reformer, telling him that he would render accounts 
of his actions, not of the money he spent. Upon 
this Cato returned to Rome, and denounced Scipio's 
prodigality, his love of Greek literature and art, his 
magnificence, and his persistence in wasting in the 
gymnasium or in the pursuit of literature time which 
should have been used in training his troops. Join- 
ing Fabius, he urged that an investigating committee 
be sent to look into the matter, but it returned 
simply astonished at the efficient condition of the 
army, and orders were given for prompt advance 
upon Carthage. 


The influences coming from Greece at this time 
were not all the best, for that land was in its period 
of decadence, and Cato did well in trying to protect 
his countrymen from evil. While literature in Greece 
had reached its highest and had become corrupt, 
there had been none in Rome during the five centu- 
ries of its history. All this time, too, there had been 
but one public holiday and a single circus ; but dur- 
ing the interval between the first and second Punic 
wars a demagogue had instituted a second circus and 
a new festival, called the plebeian games. Other 
festivals followed, and in time their cost became 
exceedingly great, and their influence very bad. 
Fights of gladiators were introduced just at the out- 
break of the first Punic war, on the occasion of the 
funeral of D. Junius Brutus, and were given after- 
ward on such occasions, because it was believed that 
the manes, the spirits of the departed, loved blood. 
Persons began to leave money for this purpose in 
their wills, and by degrees a fondness for the fright- 
ful sport increased, for the Romans had no leaning 
towards the ideal, and delighted only in those pur- 
suits which appealed to their coarse, strong, and, in 
its way, pious nature. Humor and comedy with 
them became burlesque, sometimes repulsive in its 
grotesqueness. Dramatic art grew up during this 
period. We have seen that dramatic exhibitions 
were introduced in the year 363, from Etruria, at 
a time of pestilence, but they were mere panto- 
mimes. Now plays began to be written. Trust- 
worthy history begins at the time of the Punic wars, 
and the annals of Fabius Pictor commence with the 
year 216, after the battle of Cannae. 



Rome itself was changed by the increased wealth 
of these times. The streets were made wider ; 
temples were multiplied ; and aqueducts were built 
to bring water from distant sources ; the same Appius 
who constructed the great road which now bears his 
name, having built the first, which, however, disap- 
peared long ago. Another, forty-three miles in 
length, was paid for out of the spoils of the war 
with Pyrrhus, and portions of it still remain. With 
the increase of wealth and luxury came also im- 
provement in language and in its use, and in the year 
254, studies in law were formally begun in a school 
established for the purpose. 


The Romans had conquered Italy and Carthage, 
and the next step was to make them masters of the 
East. Philip V., King of Macedon, was, as we have 
seen, one of the most eminent of monarchs of that 
country. His treaty with Hannibal after the battle 
of Cannae, involved him in war with the Romans, 
which continued, with intermissions, until Scipio 
was about to go over into Africa. Then the Romans 
were glad to make peace, though no considerable 
results followed the struggle, and it had indeed been 
pursued with little vigor for much of the time. By 
the year 200, Philip had been able to establish him- 
self in Greece, and the Romans were somewhat 


rested from the war with Carthage. The peace of 
205 had been considered but a cessation of hostilities, 
and both people were therefore ready for a new war. 
There were pretexts enough. Philip had made an 
alliance with Antiochus the Great, of Syria, against 
Ptolemy Epiphanes, of Egypt, who applied to Rome 
for assistance ; and he had sent aid to soldiers to help 
Hannibal, who had fought at the battle of Zama. 
Besides this he had attempted to establish his 
supremacy in the ^Egean Sea at the expense of the 
people of Rhodes, allies of Rome, who were assisted 
by Attalus, King of Pergamus, likewise in league with 

The senate proposed that war should be declared 
against Philip, but the people longed for rest after 
their previous struggles, and were only persuaded to 
consent by being told that if Philip, then at the 
pitch of his greatness, were not checked, he would 
follow the example of Hannibal, as he had been 
urged to follow that of Pyrrhus. No great progress 
was made in the war until the command of the 
Roman army in Greece was taken by a young man 
of high family and noble nature, well acquainted 
with Greek culture, in the year 197. Flamininus, for 
this was the name of the new commander, met the 
army of Philip that year on a certain morning when, 
after a rain, thick clouds darkened the plain on which 
they were. The armies were separated by low hills 
known as the Dog-heads (Cynocephalas), and when 
at last the sun burst out it showed the Romans and 
Macedonians struggling on the uneven ground with 
varying success. The Macedonians were finally de- 



feated,with the loss of eight thousand slain and five 
thousand prisoners. In 196 peace was obtained by 
Philip, who agreed to withdraw from Greece, to give 
up his fleet, and to pay a thousand talents for the 
expenses of the war. 

At the Isthmian games, the following summer, 
Flamininus caused a trumpet to command silence, 
and a crier to proclaim that the Roman senate and 
he, the proconsular general, having vanquished Philip, 
restored to the Grecians their lands, laws, and liber- 
ties, remitting all impositions upon them and with- 
drawing all garrisons. So astonished were the people 
at the good news that they could scarcely believe it, 
and asked that it might be repeated. This the crier 
did, and a shout rose from the people (who all stood 
up) that was heard from Corinth to the sea, and 
there was no further thought of the entertainment 
that usually engrossed so much attention. Plutarch 
says gravely that the disruption of the air was so 
great that crows accidentally flying over the race- 
course at the moment fell down dead into it ! Night 
only caused the people to leave the circus, and then 
they went home to carouse together. So grateful 
were they that they freed the Romans who had been 
captured by Hannibal and had been sold to them, 
and when Flamininus returned to Rome with a repu- 
tation second only, in the popular esteem, to Scipio 
Africanus, these freed slaves followed in the proces- 
sion on the occasion of his triumph, which was one 
of the most magnificent, and lasted three days. 

Scarcely had Flamininus left Greece before the 
^Etolians, who claimed that the victory at Cyno- 


cephalae was chiefly due to their prowess, made a com- 
bination against the Romans, and engaged Antiochus 
to take their part. This monarch had occupied Asia 
Minor previously, and would have passed into Greece 
but for Flamininus. This was while Hannibal was 
at the court of Antiochus. The Romans declared 
war, and sent an army into Thessaly, which over- 
came the Syrians at the celebrated pass of Thermopy- 
lae, on the spot where Leonidas and his brave 
three hundred had been slaughtered by the Persians 
two hundred and eighty-nine years before (B.C. 191). 
Lucius Cornelius Scipio, brother of Africanus, closed 
the war by defeating Antiochus at Magnesia, in Asia 
Minor, at the foot of Mount Sipylus (B.C. 190). The 
Syrian monarch is said to have lost fifty-three 
thousand men, while but four hundred of the Romans 
fell. Antiochus resigned to the Romans all of Asia 
west of the Taurus mountains, agreed to pay them 
fifteen thousand talents, and to surrender Hannibal. 
The great Carthaginian, however, escaped to the 
court of Prusias, King of Bithynia, where, as we have 
already seen, he took his own life. Scipio carried 
immense booty to Rome, where he celebrated a 
splendid triumph, and, in imitation of his brother 
Africanus, added the name Asiaticus to his others. 

The succeeding year, the yEtolians were severely 
punished, their land was ravaged, and they were re- 
quired to accept peace upon humiliating terms. 
Never again were they to make war without the con- 
sent of Rome, whose supremacy they acknowledged, 
and to which they paid an indemnity of five hundred 
talents. At this time the most famous hero of later 


Grecian history comes before us indirectly, just as 
the greatness of his country was sinking from sight 
forever. Philopcemen, who was born at Megalopolis 
in Arcadia (not far from the spot from which old 
Evander started for Italy), during the first Punic war, 
just before Hamilcar appeared upon the scene, 
raised himself to fame, first by improving the armor 
and drill of the Achaean soldiers, when he became 
chief of the ancient league, and then by his prowess 
at the battle of Mantinea, in the year 207, when Sparta 
was defeated. He revived the ancient league, which 
had been dormant during the Macedonian suprem- 
acy; but in 188, he took fierce revenge upon Sparta, 
for which he was called to account by the Romans; 
and five years later, in 183, he fell into the hands of 
the Messenians, who had broken from the league, 
and was put to death by poison. It was in the same 
year that both Hannibal and Scipio, the two other 
great soldiers of the day died.* 

Philip V. of Macedon followed these warriors to 
the grave five y&ars later, after having begun to 
prepare to renew the war with Rome. His son 
Perseus continued these preparations, but war did 
not actually break out until 171, and then it was 
continued for three years without decisive result. 
In 168 the Romans met the army of Perseus at 
Pydna, in Macedonia,. north of Mount Olympus, on 
the 22d June,f and utterly defeated it. Perseus was 

* See the Student's Merivalc, ch. xxv., for remarks about these 
three warriors. 

f This date is proved by an eclipse of the sun which occurred at the 
time. It had been foretold by a scientific Roman so that the army 
should not see in it a bad omen. 


afterward taken prisoner and died at Alba. From 
the battle of Pydna the great historian Polybius, who 
was a native of Megalopolis, dates the complete 
establishment of the universal empire of Rome, 
since after that no civilized state ever confronted her 
on an equal footing, and all the struggles in which she 
engaged were rebellions or wars with " barbarians " 
outside of the influence of Greek or Roman civiliza- 
tion, and since all the world recognized the senate 
as the tribunal of last resort in differences between 
nations ; the acquisition of Roman language and 
manners being henceforth among the necessary ac- 
complishments of princes. Rome had never before 
seen so grand a triumph as that celebrated by 
./Emilius Paulus, the conqueror of Macedonia, after 
his return. Plutarch gives an elaborate account of it. 
In pursuance of its policy of conquest a thousand 
of the noblest citizens of Acha^a were sent to Italy to 
meet charges preferred against them. Among them 
was the historian Polybius, who became well ac- 
quainted with Scipio vEmilianus, son by adoption 
of a son of the conqueror of Hannibal. For seven- 
teen years these exiles were detained, their numbers 
constantly decreasing, until at last even the severe 
Cato was led to intercede for them and they were 
returned to their homes. Exasperated by their 
treatment they were ready for any desperate en- 
terprise against their conquerors, but Polybius 
endeavored to restrain them. The historian went 
to Carthage, however, and while he was away dis- 
putes were stirred up which gave Rome an excuse 
for interfering. Corinth was taken with circum- 
stances of barbarous cruelty, and plundered of its 


priceless works of art, the rough and ignorant 
Roman commander sending them to Italy, after 
making the contractors agree to replace any that 
might be lost with others of equal value ! With 
Corinth fell the liberties of Greece ; a Roman prov- 
ince took the place of the state that for six centuries 
had been the home of art and eloquence, the intel- 
lectual sovereign of antiquity ; but though overcome 
and despoiled she became the guide and teacher of 
her conqueror. 

When Carthage had regained some of its lost 
riches and population, Rome again became jealous of 
her former rival, and Cato gave voice to the feeling 
that she ought to be destroyed. One day in the 
senate he drew from his toga a bunch of early figs, 
and, throwing them on the floor, exclaimed : " Those 
figs were gathered but three days ago in Carthage ; 
so close is our enemy to our walls ! " After that, 
whenever he expressed himself on this subject, or 
any other, in the senate, he closed with the words 
" Delenda est Carthago" — " Carthage ought to be 
destroyed ! " Internal struggles gave Rome at last 
an opportunity to interfere, and in 149 a third Punic 
war was begun, which closed in 146 with the utter 
destruction of Carthage. The city was taken by 
assault, the inhabitants fighting with desperation 
from street to street. Scipio ^Emilianus, who com- 
manded in this war, was now called also Africanus, 
like his ancestor by adoption. 

For years the tranquillity of Spain, which lasted 
from 179 to 153, had been disturbed by wars, and it 
was not until Scipio was sent thither that peace was 
restored. That warrior first put his forces into an 


effective condition, and then laid seige to the city of 
Numantia, situated on an elevation and well fortified. 
The citizens defended themselves with the greatest 
bravery, and showed wonderful endurance, but were 
at last obliged to surrender, and the town was levelled 
to the ground, most of the inhabitants being sold as 

The great increase in slaves, and the devastation 
caused by long and exhaustive wars, had brought 
about in Sicily a servile insurrection, before the 
Numantians had been conquered. It is said that the 
number of those combined against their Roman 
masters reached the sum of two hundred thou- 
sand. In 132, the strongholds of the insurgents 
were captured by a consular army, and peace 
restored. The barbarism of Roman slavery had 
nowhere reached such extremes as in Sicily. 
Freedmen who had cultivated the fields were there 
replaced by slaves, who were ill-fed and poorly cared 
for. Some worked in chains, and all were treated 
with indescribable brutality. They finally became 
bandits in despair, and efforts at repression of their 
disorders led to the open and fearful war. The same 
year that this war ended, the last king of Pergamos 
died, leaving his kingdom and treasures to the 
Roman people, as he had no children, and Pergamos 
became the " province " of Asia. Besides this, 
Rome had the provinces of Sicily, Sardinia and Cor- 
sica, Spain, Gallia Cisalpina, Macedonia, Illyricum, 
Southern Greece (Achaea), and Africa, to which was 
soon to be added the southern portion of Gaul over 
the Alps, between those mountains and the Pyre- 
nees called Provincia Gallia (Provence). 



One day when the conqueror of Carthage, Scipio 
Africanus, was feasting with other senators at the 
Capitol, the veteran patrician was asked by the 
friends about him to give his daughter Cornelia to 
a young man of the plebeian family of Sempronia, 
Tiberius Gracchus by name. This young man was 
then about twenty-five years old ; he had travelled 
and fought in different parts of the world, and had 
obtained a high reputation for manliness. Just at this 
time he had put Africanus under obligations to him 
by defending him from attacks in public life, and the 
old commander readily agreed to the request of his 
friends. When he returned to his home and told 
his wife that he had given away their daughter, she 
upbraided him for his rashness ; but when she heard 
the name of the fortunate man, she said that 
Gracchus was the only person worthy of the gift. 
The mother's opinion proved to be correct. The 
young people lived together in happiness, and Cor- 
nelia became the mother of three children, who car- 
ried down the good traits of their parents. One of 
these was a daughter named, like her mother, Cor- 
nelia, who became the wife of Scipio Africanus the 


younger, and the others were her two brothers. 
Tiberius and Caius, who are known as the Gracchi. 
Tiberius Gracchus lived to be over fifty years old, 
and won still greater laurels in war and peace at 
home and in foreign lands. Cicero says that he did 
a great service to the state by gathering together on 
the Esquiline the freedmen who had spread themselves 
throughout the tribes, and restricting their franchise 
(B.C. 169). Thus, Cicero thought, he succeeded for 
a time in checking the ruin of the republic* 

There was sad need of some movement to correct 
abuses that had grown up in Rome, and the men 
destined to stand forth as reformers were the two 
Gracchi, sons of Cornelia and Tiberius. Their father 
did not live to complete their education, but their 
mother, though courted by great men, and by at 
least one king, refused to marry again, and gave up 
her time to educating her sons, whom she proudly 
called her " jewels" when the Roman matrons, 
relieved from the restrictions of the Oppian law, 
boastfully showed her the rich ornaments of gold 
and precious stones that they adorned themselves 
with. The brothers had eminent Greeks to give 
them instruction, and grew up wise, able and elo- 
quent, though each exhibited his wisdom and ability 
in a different way. 

Tiberius, who was nine years older than his 
brother, came first into public life. He went to 
Africa with his brother-in-law, when the younger 
Africanus completed the destruction of Carthage, 
and afterward he took part in the wars in Spain. It 

* The freedmen had been confined to the four city tribes in 220 B.C. 


is said that, as he went through Etruria on his way 
to Spain, he noticed that the fields were cultivated 
by foreign slaves, working in clanking chains, in- 
stead of by freemen ; and that because the rich had 
taken possession of great ranges of territory, the 
poor Romans had not even a clod to call their own, 
though they had fought the battles by which the 
land had been made secure. The sight of so much 
distress in a fertile country lying waste affected 
Tiberius very deeply, and when he returned to 
Rome, he bethought himself that it was in opposi- 
tion to law that the rich controlled such vast estates. 
He remembered that the Licinian Rogation, which 
became a law more than two hundred years before 
this time, forbade any man having such large tracts 
in his possession, and thought that so beneficent a 
law should continue to be respected. He told the 
people of Rome that the wild beasts had their 
dens and caves, while the men who had fought and ex- 
posed their lives for Italy enjoyed in it nothing more 
than light and air, and were obliged to wander about 
with their wives and little ones, their commanders 
mocking them by calling upon them to fight " for 
their tombs and the temples of their gods," — things 
that they never possessed nor could hope to have 
any interest in. " Not one among many, many 
Romans," said he, " has a family altar or an ances- 
tral tomb. They have fought to maintain the 
luxury of the great, and they are called in bitter 
irony the ' masters of the world,' while they do not 
possess a clod of earth that they may call their 
own ! " 


It was a noble patriotism that filled the heart 
of Tiberius, but it was not easy to carry out a reform 
like the one he contemplated. It may not have 
appeared difficult to re-enact the old law, but we 
must remember that, during two centuries of its 
neglect, generations of men had peaceably possessed 
the great estates, of which its enforcement would 
deprive them all at once. to be supposed 
that they would quietly permit this to be done ? 
Was it just to deprive men of possessions that they 
had received from their parents and grandparents 
without protest on the part of the nation ? Cornelia 
urged Tiberius to do some great work for the state, 
telling him that she was called the ''daughter of 
Scipio," while she wished to be known as the " mother 
of the Gracchi." The war in Sicily emphasized the 
troubles that Tiberius wished to put an end to, and 
in the midst of it he was elected one of the tribunes, 
the people hoping something from him, and putting 
up placards all over the city calling upon him to take 
their part. 

The people seemed to feel sure that Gracchus was 
intending to do something for them, and they 
eagerly came together and voted for him, and when 
he was elected, they crowded into the city from all 
the regions about to vote in favor of the re-estab- 
lishment of the Licinian laws, with some alterations. 
They were successful, much to the disgust of the 
aristocrats,* who hated Gracchus, and thenceforth 

* Aristocrat is a word of Greek origin, and means one of a govern- 
ing body composed of the best men {aristos, best) in the state. The 
aristocrats came to be called also dptimates, from optimus, the corre- 
sponding Latin word for best. 


plotted to overthrow him and his power. For 
a while, the lands that had been wrongfully occupied 
by the rich were taken by a commission and returned 
to the government. 

When Attalus, the erratic king of Pergamus, left 
his estates to Rome, Gracchus had an opportunity 
to perform an act of justice, by refunding to the 
rich the outlays they had made on the lands of 
which they had been deprived. This would have 
been politic as well as just, but Gracchus did not see 
his opportunity. He proposed, on the other hand, 
to divide the new wealth among the plebeians, to 
enable them to buy implements and cattle for the 
estates they had acquired. 

It was easy at that excited time to make false ac- 
cusations against public men, and to cause the 
populace to act upon them, and, accordingly, the 
aristocrats now stirred up the people to believe that 
Gracchus was aspiring to the power of king, which, 
they were reminded, had been forever abolished ages 
before. No opportunity was given him to explain 
his intentions. A great mob was raised and a street 
fight precipitated, in the midst of which three hun- 
dred persons were killed with sticks and stones and 
pieces of benches. Among them was Gracchus him- 
self, who thus died a martyr to his patriotic plans 
for the Roman republic* 

* The course of Gracchus was not understood at the time by all good 
citizens ; and even for ages after he was considered a designing dema- 
gogue. It was not until the great Niebuhr, to whom we owe so much 
in Roman history, explained fully the nature of the agrarian laws 
which Gracchus passed, that the world accepted him for the hero and 
honest patriot that he was. 


Caius Gracchus was in Spain at the time of his 
brother's murder, and Scipio, his brother-in-law, was 
there also. So little did Scipio understand Tiberius, 
that when he heard of his death he quoted the 
words of Minerva to Mercury, which he remembered 
to have read in his Homer, " So perish he who doth 
the same again ! " The next year brother and 
brother-in-law returned from Spain, but Caius did 
not seem to care to enter political life, and as he 
lived in quiet for some years, it was thought that he 
disapproved his brother's laws. Little did the pub- 
lic dream of what was to come. 

Meantime Scipio became the acknowledged leader 
of the optimates, and in order to keep the obnoxious 
law from being enforced, proposed to take it out of 
the hands of the commission and give it to the 
senate. His proposition was vigorously opposed in 
the forum, and when he retired to his home to pre- 
pare a speech to be delivered on the subject, a num- 
ber of friends thought it necessary to accompany 
him as protectors. The next morning the city was 
startled by the news that he was dead. His speech 
was never even composed. No effort was made to 
discover his murderer, though one Caius Papirius 
Carbo, a tribune, leader of the opposing party, was 
generally thought to have been the guilty one. 

The eloquence of young Gracchus proved greater 
than that of any other citizen, and by it he ingrati- 
ated himself with the people to such an extent, that 
in the year 123 B.C. they elected him one of their 
tribunes. Though the aristocrats managed to have 
his name placed fourth on the list, his force and 


1 73 

eloquence made him really first in all public labors, 
and he proceeded to use his influence to further his 
brother's favorite projects. He was impetuous in his 
oratory. As he spoke, he walked from side to side 
of the rostra, and pulled his toga from his shoulder as 
he became warm in his delivery. His powerful voice 
filled the forum, and stirred the 
hearts of his hearers, who felt 
that his persuasive words came 
from an honest heart. 

The optimates were of course 
offended by the acts of the new 
tribune, who abridged the power 
of the senate, and in all ways 
showed an intention of working 
for the people. He was exceed- 
ingly active in works of public 
benefit, building roads and 
bridges, erecting mile-stones 
along the principal routes, ex- 
tending to the Italians the right 
to vote, and alleviating the dis- 
tressing poverty of the lower 
orders by directing that grain 
should be sold to them at low 
rates. The laws under which he accomplished these 
beneficent changes are known, from the family to 
which the Gracchi belonged, as the Sempronian 
Laws. In carrying out the necessary legislation and 
in executing the laws, Caius labored himself with 
great assiduity, andjhis activity afforded his enemies 
the opportunity to say falsely that he made some 
private gain from them. 



The optimates soon saw that the labors of Grac- 
chus had drawn the people close to him, and they 
determined to weaken his influence by indirect 
means, rather than venture to make any immediate 
display of opposition. They according adopted the 
sagacious policy of making it appear that they wished 
to do more for the people than their own champion 
proposed. They allowed a rich and eloquent dema- 
gogue, Marcus Livius Drusus, to act for them, and 
he deceived the people by proposing measures that 
appeared more democratic than those of Gracchus, 
whose power over the people was thus somewhat 
undermined. The next step was then taken. In 
the midst of an election a tumult was excited, and 
Gracchus was obliged to flee, over the wooden bridge, 
to the Grove of the Furies. Death was his only de- 
liverance. The optimates tried to make it out that 
he had been an infamous man, but the common peo- 
ple afterward loved both the brothers and esteemed 
them as great benefactors who had died for them. 

The fall of the Gracchi left the people without a 
leader, and the optimates easily kept possession of 
the government, though they did not yet feel dis- 
posed to proceed at once to carry out their own 
wishes fully, for fear that they might sting the popu- 
lares beyond endurance. They stopped the assign- 
ments of lands, however, allowing those who had 
occupied large tracts to keep them, and thus the 
desolation and retrogression which had so deeply 
moved Gracchus continued and increased even more 
rapidly than it had in his time. The state fell into 
a condition of corruption in every department, and 


office was looked upon simply as a means of acquir- 
ing wealth, not as something to be held as a trust for 
the good of the governed. The nation suffered also 
from servile insurrections ; the seas were overrun 
with pirates ; the rich plunged into vice ; the poor 
were pushed down to deeper depths of poverty ; 
judicial decisions were sold for money ; the inhabi- 
tants of the provinces were looked upon by the 
nobles as fit subjects for plunder, and the governors 
obtained their positions by purchase ; everywhere 
ruin stared the commonwealth in the face, though 
there seems to have been no one with perceptions 
clear enough to perceive the trend of affairs. 

In this degenerate time there arose two men of 
the most diverse traits and descent, whose lives, run- 
ning parallel for many years, furnish at once instruc- 
tive studies and involve graphic pictures of public 
affairs. The elder of them was with Scipio when 
Numantia fell into his hands, and with Jugurtha, a 
Numidian prince, won distinction by his valor on 
that occasion. Caius Marius was the name of this 
man, and he belonged to the commons. He was 
twenty-three years of age, and had risen from the 
low condition of a peasant to one of prominence in 
public affairs. Fifteen years after the fall of Nu- 
mantia we find him a tribune of the people, standing 
for purity in the elections, against the opposition of 
the optimates. Rough, haughty, and undaunted, he 
carried his measures and waited for the gathering 
storm to furnish him more enlarged opportunties for 
the exercise of his strength and ambition. 

The opponent and final conqueror of this com- 


moner was but four years of age when Numantia fell, 
and came into public life later than Marius. Lucius 
Cornelius Sulla was an optimate of illustrious an- 
cestry and hereditary wealth, a student of the litera- 
ture and art of Greece and his native land, and he 
united in his person all the vices as well as accom- 
plishments that Cato had been accustomed to de- 
nounce with the utmost vigor. 

Marius and Sulla, the plebeian and the optimate, 
the man without education of the schools, and the 
master of classic culture, were brought together in 
Africa in the year 107. Numidia had long been an 
ally of Rome, but upon the death of one of its kings, 
Jugurtha, who had gained confidence in himself dur- 
ing the Numantian campaign, attempted to gain 
control of the government. Rome interfered, but so 
accessible were public men to bribes, that Jugurtha 
obtained from the senate a decree dividing the 
country between him and the rightful claimant of 
the throne. Not contented with this, he attempted 
to conquer his rival and obtain the undivided sway. 
This action aroused the Roman people, who were 
less corrupt than their senate, and they forced their 
rulers to interfere. War was declared, but the first 
commander was corrupted by African gold, and the 
struggle was intermitted. Jugurtha was called to 
Rome, with promise of safety, to testify against the 
officer who had been bribed, and remained there 
awhile, until he grew bold enough to assassinate one 
of his enemies, when he was ordered to leave Italy. 
As he left, he is said to have exclaimed * : "A city 

* "Urbem venalem, et mature perituram, si emptorem invenerit" — 
Sallust's " Jugurtha," chapter 35. 


for sale, ready to fall into the hands of the first bid- 
der ! " These memorable words, whether really ut- 
tered by the Numidian or not, well characterize the 
state of affairs at this corrupt period. 

One general and another were sent to oppose 
Jugurtha, but he proved too much for them, either 
corrupting them by bribes or overcoming them by 
skill of arms. The spirit of the Roman people was 
at last fully aroused, and an investigation was made, 
which resulted in convicting some of the optimates, 
one of them being Opimius, the consul, who had 
been cruelly opposed to Caius Gracchus. A general 
of integrity was chosen to go to Africa. He was 
Caecilius Metellus, member of a family which had 
come into prominence during the first Punic war. 
Marius was with him, and when Jugurtha saw that 
men of this high character were opposed to him, he 
began to despair. While the struggle progressed, 
Marius remembered that a witch whom he had had 
with him in a former war had prophesied that the 
gods would help him in advancing himself, and 
resolved to go to Rome to try to gain the consul- 
ship. Metellus at first opposed this scheme, but was 
finally persuaded to allow Marius to leave. Though 
but few days elapsed before the election, after 
Marius announced himself as a candidate, he was 
chosen consul, and then he began to exult over the 
optimates who had so long striven to keep him down. 
He vaunted his lowly birth, declared that his election 
was a victory over the pusillanimity and license of the 
rich, and boldly compared his warlike prowess with 
the effeminacy of the nobility, whom he determined 
to persecute as vigorously as they had pursued him, 

Praetorian Gate. 

l 79 

Principal Gate (Decumana). 




A. Consul's tent, in the Proetorium. K. 

B. Paymaster's headquarters. L. 

C. Tents of the lieutenant-generals. M. 

D. Tents of the tribunes. O. 

F. Veteran cavalry. Q. 

G. Bodyguard cavalry R. 
H. Veteran infantry. S. 
J. Bodyguard infantry 

Reserve cavalry. 
Reserve infantry. 
Legion cavalry. 
Triarii (Third line). 
Hastati (Spearmen). 
Allied cavalry. 
Allied infantry. 


Marius brought the Numidian War to a close 
by obtaining possession of Jugurtha in the year 106, 
but as his subordinate, Sulla, was the instrument in 
actually taking the king, the enemies of Marius 
claimed for the young aristocrat the credit of the cap- 
ture, and Sulla irritated his senior still more by con- 
stantly wearing a ring on which he had caused to be 
engraved a representation of the surrender. Marius 
did not immediately return to Rome, but remained 
to complete the subjugation of Numidia, Sulla the 
meantime making every effort to ingratiate himself 
with the soldiers, sharing every labor, and sitting 
with them about the camp-fires as they softened the 
asperities of a hard life by telling tales of past 
experience, and making prophesies of the future. 

Sulla was not a prepossessing person. His blue 
eyes were keen and glaring ; but they Avere rendered 
forbidding and even terrible at times by the bad 
complexion of his face, which was covered with red 
blotches that told the story of his debaucheries. 
" Sulla is a mulberry sprinkled over with meal," is 
the expression that a Greek jester is said to have 
used in describing his frightful face. 

It was the first of January, 104, when Marius 
entered Rome in triumph, accompanied by evidences 
of his victories, the greatest of which was the pitiful 
Numidian king himself, who followed in the grand 
procession, and was afterwards ruthlessly dropped 
into the horrible Tulliarium, or Mamertine prison, 
to perish by starvation in the watery chill. He is 
said to have exclaimed as he touched the water at 
the bottom of the prison, " Hercules ! how cold are 
thy baths ! " 


During the absence of Marius in Africa, there had 
come over Rome the shadow of a greater peril than 
had been known since the days when Hannibal's 
advance had made the strongest hearts quail. The 
tumultuous multitudes who inhabited the unexplored 
regions of Central Europe, the Celts and Germans,* 
had gathered a mass comprising, it is said, more than 
three hundred thousand men capable of fighting, 
besides hosts of women and children, and were 
marching with irresistible force towards the Roman 
domains. Nine years before (B.C. 113), these bar- 
barians had defeated a Roman army in Noricum, 
north of Illyricum, and after that they had roamed 
at will through Switzerland, adding to their numbers, 
and ravaging every region, until at last they had 
poured over into the plains of Gaul. Year after year 
passed, and army after army of the Romans was cut 
to pieces by these terrible barbarians. 

As Marius entered the city he was looked upon as 
the only one who could stem the impetuous human 
torrent that threatened to overwhelm the republic, 
for, in the face of the supreme danger, as is usual in 
such cases, every party jealousy was forgotten. The 
proud commoner accepted the command with 
alacrity, setting out for distant Gaul immediately, 
and taking Sulla as one of his subordinates. After 
two years of inconsequent strategy, he overcame the 
barbarians at a spot twelve miles distant from Aqua 
Sextm (the Springs of Sextius, the modern Aix, in 

* The Cimbri, who formed a portion of this invading body, had 
their original home in the modern peninsula of Jutland, whence came 
also early invaders of Britain, and they were probably a Celtic people. 


Provence), (B.C. 102). He collected the richest of the 
spoil to grace a triumph that he expected to cele- 
brate, and was about to offer the remainder to the 
gods, when, just as he stood amid the encircling 
troops in a purple robe, ready to touch the torch to 
the pile, horsemen dashed into the space, announ- 
cing that the Romans had for the fifth time elected 
him consul ! The village of Pourrieres (Campi 
Putridi) now marks the spot, and the rustics of the 
vicinity still celebrate a yearly festival, at which they 
burn a vast heap of brushwood on the summit of one 
of their hills, as they shout Victoire ! victoire / in 
memory of Marius. 

During this period Sulla gained renown by his 
valorous deeds, but the jealousy that had begun in 
Africa increased, and in 103 or 102, he left Marius and 
joined himself to his colleague Lutatius Catulus, 
who was endeavoring to stem another torrent of 
barbarians, this time pouring down toward Rome 
from the valley of the Po. When Marius reached 
home after his victories in Gaul, he was offered a 
triumph, but refused to celebrate it until he had 
marched to the help of Catulus, who, he found, was 
then retreating before the invaders in a panic. After 
the arrival of Marius the flight was stopped, and the 
barbarians totally destroyed at a battle fought near 
Vercellae. Though much credit for this wonderful 
victory was awarded to both Catulus and Sulla, the 
whole honor was at Rome given to Marius, who 
celebrated a triumph, was called the third founder 
of the city (as Camillus had been the second), and 
enjoyed the distinction of having his name joined 


with those of the gods when offerings and libations 
were made. The jealousy of Sulla was all this time 
growing from its small beginnings. 

While Marius and Sulla were fighting the bar- 
barians there had been a second insurrection among 
the slave population of Italy, and it was not distant 
Sicily only that was troubled at this time, for though 
the uprising spread to that island, many towns of 
Campania were afflicted, and at last the contagion 
had affected thousands of the slaves, who arose and 
struck for freedom. The outbreak in Campania was 
repressed in 103, but it was not until 99 that quiet 
was restored on the island, and then it was by the 
destruction of many thousands of lives. Large 
numbers of the captives were taken to Rome to fight 
in the arena with wild beasts, but they disappointed 
their sanguinary masters by killing each other instead 
in the amphitheatre. The condition of the slaves 
after this was worse than before. They were de- 
prived of all arms, and even the spear with which 
the herdsmen were wont to protect themselves from 
wild beasts was taken away. 

At this time the power of tne optimates was 
rather decreasing, and signs of promise for the people 
appeared. In the year 103, a law had been passed 
which took from the senate the right to select the 
chief pontiffs, and it had been given to the popu- 
Wes.* An agrarian law was proposed in the foliv/w- 

* This important law was passed through the tribune Cneius Domi- 
tius Ahenobarbus, in order to effect his own election as pontiff in the 
place of his father, and is known as the Domitian law. The people 
elected him afterward out of gratitude. The chief pontiff was an influ- 
ential factor in politics, as he pronounced the verdict of t\e Sibylline 


ing year, a speaker on the subject asserting that in 
the entire republic there were not two thousand 
landholders, so rapidly had the rich been able to 
concentrate in themselves the ownership of the land. 
The powers of the senate were still further restricted 
in the year ioo, by a law intended to punish magis- 
trates who had improperly received money, and to 
take from the senators the right to try such offences.* 
At the same time the right of citizenship was 
offered to all Italians who should succeed in con- 
victing a magistrate of peculation or extortion. 
Thus it seemed as though the reforms aimed at by 
the Gracchi might be brought about if only the man 
for the occasion were to present himself. Marius 
presented himself, but we shall find that he mistook 
his means, and only cast the nation down into deeper 
depths of misery. His star was at its highest when 
he celebrated his triumph, and it would have been 
better for his fame had he died at that time. 

books on public questions, and gave or withheld the divine approval 
from public acts, besides appointing the rites and sacrifices. 

* The exact date of this law is uncertain. It was directed against 
Quintus Servilius Caepio, who, when the barbarians were threatening 
Italy, commanded in Gaul, and enriched himself by the wealth of 
Tolosa, which he took (B.C. 106), thus giving rise to the proverb " He 
has gold of Toulouse " — ill-gotten gains (aurum Tolosanum habet). 
He was also held responsible for a terrible defeat at Arausio (Orange), 
where eighty thousand Romans and forty thousand camp-followers 
perished, October 6, B.C. 105. The day became another black one 
in the Roman calendar. 

{^iii^ i§j4ghj& ' 




MARIUS was brave and strong and able to cope 
with any in the rush of war, but he knew little of the 
arts of peace and the science of government. Sulla, 
his enemy, was at Rome, living in quiet, but the same 
fiery, ambition that animated Marius, and the same 
jealousy of all who seemed to be growing in popu- 
larity, burned in his bosom and were ready to burst 
out at any time. The very first attempts of Marius 
at government ended in shame, and he retired from 
the city in the year 99. He had supported two 
rogations, called the Appuleian laws, from the 
demagogue who moved them, Lucius Appuleius 
Saturninus, and they were carried by violence and 
treachery. They enacted that the lands acquired 
from the barbarians should be divided among both 
the Italians and the citizens of Rome, thus affording 
relief to all Italy ; and that corn should be sold to 
Romans by the state at a nominal price. 

When Marius retired, the authority of the senate 
was restored, but the state was in a deplorable con- 
dition, for the violence and bloodshed that had been 
familiar for the half century since the triumph over 
Greece and Carthage, were bearing their legitimate 


fruits. Not only was the separation between the 
rich and poor constantly growing greater, but the 
effect of the luxury and license of the wealthy was 
debauching the public conscience, and faith was 
everywhere falling away. Impostors and foreign 
priests had full sway. 

Opposed to Saturninus was a noble of the most 
exalted type of character, Marcus Livius Drusus, son 
of the Drusus who had opposed the Gracchi. A 
genuine aristocrat, possessed of a colossal fortune, 
strict in his morals and trustworthy in every position, 
he was a man of acknowledged weight in the 
national councils. In the year 91, he was elected 
tribune, and endeavored to bring about reform. He 
obtained the adherence of the people by laws for 
distributing corn at low prices, and by holding out 
to the allies hopes of the franchise. The allies had 
long looked for this, and as their condition had been 
growing worse year by year, their impatience 
increased, until at last they were no longerwilling to 
brook delay. The Romans (whose party cry was 
"Rome for the Romans") ever opposed this meas- 
ure, and now they stirred up opposition to the con- 
servative Drusus, who paid the penalty of his life to 
his efforts at civil reform and the r'leviation of 
oppression. Though he tried to please all parties, 
the senate first rendered his laws nugatory, and their 
partisans not satisfied with his civil defeat, after- 
wards caused him to be assassinated.* It was then 

* Velleius Paterculus, the historian, relates that as Drusus was 
dying, he looked upon the crowd of citizens who were lamenting his 
fortune, and said, in conscious innocence: " My relations and friends, 
will the commonwealth ever arrain have a citizen like me?" He 


enacted that all who favored the allies should be 
considered guilty of treason to the state. Many 
prominent citizens were condemned under this law. 
and the allies naturally became convinced that there 
was no hope for them except in revolution. 

Rome was in consequence menaced by those who 
had before been her helpers, and the danger was one 
ot the greatest that she had ever encountered. The 
Italians were prepared for the contest, but the 
Romans were not. It was determined by the allies 
that Rome should be destroyed, and a new capital 
erected at- Corfinum, which was to be known as 
xtalica. On both sides it was a struggle for exist- 

The Marsians were the most prominent among 
the allies in one division, and the Samnites were at 
the head of another.* The whole of Central Italy 
became involved in the desperate struggle. The 
Etruscans and Umbrians took the part of Rome, 
being offered the suffrage for their allegiance. At 
the end of the first campaign this was offered also to 
those of the other antagonistic allies who would lay 
down their arms, and by this means discord was 
thrown into the ramp of the enemy. The campaign 
of 89 was favorable to the Romans, who, led by 

adds, as illustrating the purity of his intentions, that when Drusus 
,vas building a house on the Palatine, his architect offered to make it 
so that no observer could see into it, but he said : " Rather, build 
my house so that whatever I do may be seen by all." 

* The Marsians were an ancient people of Central Italy, inhabiting 
a mountainous district, and had won distinction among the allies for 
their skill and courage in war. " The Marsic cohorts " was an almost 
proverbial expression for the bravest troops in the time of Horace and 


Sulla, drove the enemy out of Campania, and cap- 
tured the town of Bovianum. The following year 
the war was closed, but Rome and Italy had lost 
more than a quarter of a million of their citizens, 
while the allies had nominally obtained the conces- 
sions that they had fought for. 

Ten new tribes were formed in which the new 
citizens were enrolled, thus keeping them in a body 
by themselves ; and it was natural that there should 
be much discontent among them on account of the 
manner in which their privileges had been awarded. 
The franchise could only be obtained by a visit to 
Rome, which was difficult for the inhabitants of 
distant regions, and there was besides no place in 
the city large enough to contain all the citizens, if 
they had been able to come. The new citizens 
found, too, that there was still a difference between 
themselves and those who had before enjoyed the 
suffrage, something like that which existed between 
the freedmen and the men who had never been 

Marius and Sulla, the ever-vigilant rivals, had both 
been engaged in the Marsic war, but they came out 
of it in far differing frames of mind. The young 
aristocrat boasted that fortune had permitted him to 
strike the last decisive blow ; and the old plebeian, 
now seventy years of age, found his heart swelling 
with indignation because he received only new mor- 
tifications in return for his new services to the state, 
in whose behalf he had this time fought with reluc- 
tance. A spirit of dire vengeance was agitating his 
heart, the results of which we are soon to observe. 


The troubles of the state now seemed to accumu- 
late with terrible rapidity. Two wars broke out 
immediately upon the close of that which we have 
just considered, one at home and the other in Asia. 
The one was the strife of faction, and the other an 
effort to repel attacks upon allies of the republic. 
Mithridates the Great, King of Pontus, the sixth of 
his name, was remarkable for his physical and 
mental development, no less than for his great 
ambition and boundless activity. Under his rule 
his kingdom had reached its greatest power. This 
monarch had attempted to add to his dominion 
Cappadocia, the country adjoining Pontus on the 
south, by placing his nephew on the throne, but 
Sulla, who was then in Cilicia, prevented it. Mithri- 
dates next interfered in the government of Bithynia. 
to the southwest, expecting that the oppressive rule 
of the Roman governors would lead the inhabitants 
to be friendly to him, while the troubles of the 
Romans at home would make it difficult for them to 
interfere. The close of the Marsian struggle, how- 
ever, left Rome free to engage the Eastern conqueror, 
and war was determined upon. 

The success of Sulla in the East made it plain that 
he was the one to lead the army, but Marius was 
still ambitious to gain new laurels, and in order to 
prove that he was not too old to endure the hard- 
ships of a campaign, he went daily to the Campus 
Martius and exercised with the young men. His 
efforts proved vain, and he determined to take more 
positive measures. He procured the enactment of 
a law distributing the new citizens, who far out- 


numbered the old ones, among the tribes, knowing 
that they would vote in his favor. It was not with- 
out much opposition that this law was enacted, but 
Marius was then appointed, instead of Sulla, to lead 
the army against Pontus. Sulla meantime hastened 
to the army and obtained actual command of the 
soldiers, who loved him, caused the tribunes of 
Marius to be murdered, and left the old commander 
without support. Marius in turn raised another 
army by offering freedom to slaves, and with it 
attempted to resist Sulla, but in vain. He was 
obliged to fly, and a price was placed upon his head. 
He sailed for Africa, but was thrown back upon the 
shores of Italy, was cast into prison, and ordered to 
execution ; but the slave commissioned to carry out 
the judgment was frightened by the flashing eyes of 
the aged warrior and refused to perform the act, as 
he heard a voice from the darkness of the cell 
haughtily asking : '•' Fellow, darest thou kill Caius 
Marius?" The magistrates, struck with pity and re- 
morse, as they reflected that Marius was the pre- 
server of Italy, let him go to meet his fate on other 
shores, and at last he found his way to Africa. 

The departure of both Marius and Sulla from 
Rome left it exposed to a new danger. As soon as 
Sulla had left for Pontus, Lucius Cornelius Cinna, 
one of the consuls, began to form a popular party, 
composed largely of the newly made citizens, for tht 
purpose of overpowering the senate and recalling 
Marius. A frightful conflict ensued on a day of 
voting, and thousands were butchered in the struggle, 
Cinna was driven from the city, but received the 


support of a vast number of Italians, which enabled 
him to march again upon Rome. 

Meantime Marius returned from Africa, captured 
Ostia and other places, and joined Cinna. Then, by 
cutting off its supplies, he caused the city to yield. 
Marius and Cinna entered the gates, and again the 
streets ran blood ; for every one who had given 
Marius cause to hate or fear him was hunted to the 
death without mercy, and with no respect to rank, 
talent, or former friendship. Cinna and Marius 
named themselves consuls for the year 86 without 
the form of election,* but the firm constitution of the 
old her^ was completely undermined by his sufferings 
and fatigues, and he succumbed to an attack of 
pleurisy after a few days, during which, as Plutarch 
tells us, he was terrified by dreams and by the 
anticipated return of Sulla. The people rejoiced 
that they were freed from the cruelty of his ruthless 
tyranny, little knowing what new horrors the grim 
future had in store for them. 

We return now to Sulla. When he had driven 
Marius from Rome, he was obliged to hasten away 
to carry on the war in Asia, though he marched first 
against Athens, which had become the head-quarters 
of the allies of Mithridates in Greece. The siege of 
this city was long and obstinate, and it was not until 
March 1, 86, that it was overcome, when Sulla gave 
it up to rapine and pillage. He then advanced into 
Bceotia, and success continued to follow his arms 
until the year 84, when he crossed the Hellespont to 
sarry the war into Asia. Mithridates had put to 

* See note on page 64. 


death all Roman citizens and allies, wherever found, 
with all the reckless ferocity of an Asiatic tyrant, but 
had met many losses and was now anxious to have 
peace. Sulla settled the terms at a personal inter- 
view at Dardanus, in the Troad. Enormous sums 
(estimated at more than $100,000,000) were exacted 
from the rich cities, and a single settled government 
was restored to Greece, Macedonia, and Asia Minor. 
The soldiers were compensated for their fatigues by 
a luxurious winter in Asia, and, in the spring of 83, 
they were transferred, in 1,600 vessels, from Ephesus 
to the Piraeus, and thence to Brundusium. Sulla 
carried with him from Athens the valuable library 
of Apellicon of Teos, which contained the works of 
Aristotle and his disciple, Theophrastus, then not in 
general circulation, for he did not forget his interest 
in literature even in war. Thus it was that the 
rich thoughts of the great philosopher came to 
the knowledge of the Roman students.* 

Sulla sent a letter to the senate, announcing the 
close of the war and his intention to return, in the 
course of which he took occasion to recount his ser- 
vices to the republic, from the time of the war with 
Jugurtha to the conquest of Mithridates, and 
announced that he should take vengeance upon 
his enemies and upon those of the commonwealth. 
The senate was alarmed, and proposed to treat with 
him for peace, but Cinna hastened to oppose the 

* Aristoteles, sometimes called the Stagirite, because he was born in 
Stagira, in Macedonia, lived at Athens in the fourth century before 
our era. Theophrastus was his friend and disciple, both at Stagira 
and Athens. 


arrogant conqueror with force. He was, however, 
assassinated by his own soldiers. 

On the sixth of July, after the arrival of Sulla at 
Brundusium (B.C. 83), Rome was thrown into a state 
of consternation by the burning of the capitol and 
the destruction of the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, 
with the Sibylline oracles, those valuable books 
which had directed the counsels of the nation for 
ages, and the close of a historic era approached.* 
Sulla easily marched in triumph through lower Italy 
on his way to Rome, for his opponents were not well 
organized, but it was not until months had passed 
that the fierce struggle was decided. He was be- 
sieging Praeneste, when the Samnites, after finding 
that they could not relieve it, marched directly upon 
Rome. Sulla followed them, and a bloody battle 
was fought at the Colline gate, on the northern side 
of the city. It was a fight for the very existence of 
Rome, for Pontius Telesinus, commander of the 
Samnites, declared that he intended to raze the city 
to the ground. Fifty thousand are said to have 
fallen on each side, and most of the leaders of the 
party of Marius perished or were afterward put to 
death. All the Samnites (8,000) who were taken 
were collected by Sulla in the Campus Martius and 
uthlessly butchered. 

If the former scenes had been terrible, much more 
so were those that now followed. Sulla was made 
dictator, an officer that had been unknown for a 

* Ambassadors were afterwards sent to various places in Greece, 
Asia, and Italy, to make a fresh collection, and when the temple was 
rebuilt it was put in the place occupied by the lost books. 



century and a quarter, and proceeded to show his 
adhesion to the optimates by attempting to blot out 
the popular party. He announced that he would 
give a better government to Rome, but he found it 
necessary to kill all whom he pretended to think her 
enemies. It was Marius who had brought on the 
era of carnage by attempting to deprive Sulla of his 
command in the war against Mithridates, and ac- 
cordingly the body of the great plebeian was torn 
from its tomb and cast into the Anio. A list was 
drawn up of those whose possessions were to be con- 
fiscated, and who were themselves to be executed in 
vengeance. On this the names of the family of 
Marius came first. Fresh lists were constantly 
posted in the forum. Each of these was called a 
tabula proscriptionis, a list of proscription, and it pre- 
sents the first instance of a proscription in Roman 
history." Sulla placed on these lists not only the 
names of enemies of the state, but his personal 
opponents, those whose property he coveted, and 
those who were enemies of friends whom he desired 
to please. No man was safe, for his name might 
appear at any time on the terrible lists, and then he 
would be an outlaw, whom any one might kill with 
impunity. Especially were the rich and prominent 
liable to find themselves in this position. Many 
thousands of unfortunate citizens perished before 
Sulla was content to put a stop to the horrors. He 

* A proscription had formerly been an offering for sale of any thing 
by advertisement ; but Sulla gave it a new meaning, — the sale of the 
property of those unfortunates who were put to death by his orders. 
The victims were said to be proscribed. The meaning given by Sulla 
still lives in the English word. 


then celebrated with exceeding magnificence the 
postponed triumph on account of his victory over 
Mithridates, and received from a trembling people 
the title Felix, the lucky. 

It has been said that after having killed the men 
with his sword, Sulla made it his work to kill the 
party that opposed him, by laws. He wished to have 
in Rome the silence and the autocracy of a camp. 
He put some three hundred new members into the 
senate, and gave that body the power to veto 
legislative enactments, while at the same time he re- 
stricted the authority of the tribunes of the people 
and of the comitia tributa, the general conven- 
tion of the tribes. On the other hand, he re- 
duced debts by one fourth, to conciliate the masses, 
and paid his soldiers for their services in the civil 
strife with vast amounts of booty and great num- 
bers of slaves. The pomcerium was extended to 
embrace all Italy, and, as is supposed, the northern 
boundary of Roman territory was extended to the 
Rubicon. New courts were established and the 
judicial system was reorganized ; the censors were 
practically shelved, but sumptuary laws were passed 
to prevent extravagance and luxury. All of the laws 
of Sulla were submitted to the people for formal 
approval ; but as no one was hardy enough to differ 
from the dictator, it mattered little what the people 

By the beginning of the year 79, Sulla considered 
that his reforms were complete, and bethought him- 
self of retiring to see at a little distance the effect of 
his regulations. He felt that; no danger could over- 


take him, for he had settled his old veterans (called 
Cornelians), to the number of more than a hundred 
thousand, in colonies scattered throughout Italy, on 
the estates and in the cities that he had confiscated, 
and thought that they would prove his supporters in 
any event. He boldly summoned the people and, 
announcing his purpose, offered 'co render an account 
of his official conduct. He gave the crowd a congi- 
ariiun, as it was called — that is, he glutted them with 
the costliest meats and the richest wines, and so 
great was his profusion that vast quantities that the 
gorged multitude were unable to eat were cast into 
the Tiber. He then discharged his armed attend- 
ants, dismissed his lictors, descended from the ros- 
tra, and retired on foot to his house, accompanied 
only by his friends, passing through the midst of 
the populace which he had given every reason to 
desire to wreak vengeance upon him. It was au- 
dacity of the supremest sort. Sulla afterwards with- 
drew to his estate at Puteoli, where he spent the 
brief remainder of his life in the most remarkable 
alternation of nocturnal orgies and cultured enjoy- 
ment, sharing his time with male and female debau- 
chees and learned students of Greek literature, and 
concluding the memoirs of his life and times, in 
which, through twenty-two books, he recorded the 
story of his deeds, colored doubtless to a great ex- 
tent by his own magnificent self-love. In the last 
words of his " Memoirs " he characterized himself, 
with a certain degree of truth from his own point of 
view, as " fortunate and all-powerful to his last 



The senate voted Sulla a gorgeous funeral, in spite 
of opposition on the part of the consul Lepidus, and 
his body was carried to the Campus Martius, preceded 
by the magistrates, the senate, the equites, the vestal 
virgins, and the veterans. There it was burned, that 
no future tyrant could treat it as that of Marius had 
been, though up to that time the Cornelian gens, to 
which Sulla belonged, had always buried their dead. 

Thus lived and thus died the man who, though he 
relieved Rome of the last of her invaders, infused into 
her system a malady from which she was to suffer in 
the future; for the pampered veterans whom he had 
distributed throughout Italy in scenes of peace, all 
unwonted to such a life, were to be the ones on 
which another oppressor was to depend in his efforts 
to subvert the government. 



Rome was no w ruled by an oligarchy, — that is, the 
control of public affairs fell into the hands of a few 
persons. There was an evident tendency, however, 
towards the union of all the functions of govern- 
mental authority in the person of a single man, 
whenever one should be found of sufficient strength 
to grasp them. The younger Gracchus had exercised 
almost supreme control, and Marius, Cinna, and 
Sulla had followed him ; but their power had per- 
ished with them, leaving no relics in the fundamental 
principles of the government, except as it marked 
stages in the general progress. Now other strong 
men arise who pursue the same course, and lead 
directly up to the concentration of supreme authority 
in the hands of one man, and he not a consul, nor a 
tribune, nor a dictator, but an emperor, a titled 
personage never before known in Rome. With this 
culmination the life of the populus Romanus was 
destined to end. 

A dramatist endeavoring to depict public life at 
Rome during the period following the death of 
Sulla, would find himself embarrassed by the multi- 
tude of men of note crowding upon his attention. 


One of the eldest of these was Quintus Sertorius, a 
soldier of chivalric bravery, who had come into 
prominence during the Marian wars in Gaul. He 
had at that time won distinction by boldly entering 
the camp of the Teutones disguised as a spy, and 
bringing away valuable information, before the 
battle at Aix. When Sulla was fighting Mithridates, 
Sertorius was on the side of Cinna, and had to flee 
from the city with him. When the battle was fought 
at the Colline gate, Sertorius served with his old com- 
rade Marius, whom he did not admire, and with 
Cinna, but we do not know that he shared the guilt 
of the massecre that followed. Certainly he punished 
the slaves that surrounded Marius for their cruel 
excesses. When Sulla returned, Sertorius escaped 
to Spain, where he raised an army, and achieved so 
much popularity that the Romans at home grew 
very jealous of him.* He did not intentionally go 
to live in Spain, but having heard that there were 
certain islands out in the Atlantic celebrated since 
the days of Plato as the abode of the blest ; where 
gentle breezes brought soft dews to enrich the fertile 
soil ; where delicate fruits grew to feed the inhabi- 

* Sertorius is almost the only one among the statesmen of antiquity 
who seems to have recognized the modern truth, that education is a 
valuable aid in making a government firm. He established a school 
in Spain in which boys of high rank, dressed in the garb of Romans, 
learned the languages that still form the basis of a classical education, 
while they were also held as hostages for the good behavior of their 
elders. He was not a philanthropist, but a sagacious ruler, and the 
autnor of Latin colonies in the West. He was for a time accom- 
panied by a white fawn, which he encouraged the superstitious bar- 
barians to believe was a familiar spirit, by means of which he com- 
municated with the unseen powers and ensured his success. 


tants without their trouble or labor ; where the 
yellow-haired Rhadamanthus was refreshed by the 
whistling breezes of Zephyrus ; he longed to find 
them and live in peace and quiet, far from the rush 
of war and the groans of the oppressed. From this 
bright vision he was turned, but perhaps his efforts 
to establish a merciful government in Spain may be 
traced to its influence. 

Another prominent man on the stage at this time 
was a leader of the aristocratic party . Marcus Oassus T 
who lived in a house that is estimated to have cost 
more than a quarter of a million dollars. Probably 
he would not have been very prominent if his father 
had not left him a small fortune, to which he had 
added very largely by methods that we can hardly 
consider noble. It is said that when the Sullan 
proscription was going on, he obtained at ruinously 
low prices the estates that the proscribed had to give 
up, and, whenever there was a fire, he would be on 
the spot ready to buy the burning or ruined buildings 
for little or nothing. He owned many slaves who 
were accomplished as writers, silversmiths, stewards, 
and table-waiters, whom he let out to those who 
wished their services, and thus added largely to his 
income. He did not build any houses, except the 
one in which he lived, for he agreed with the proverb 
which says that fools build houses for wise men to 
live in, though " the greatest part of Rome sooner 
or later came into his hands," as Plutarch observes. 
He was of that sordid, avaricious character which 
covets wealth merely for the desire to be considered 
rich, for the vulgar popularity that accompanies that 


reputation, and not for ambition or enjoyment. He 
was said to be uninfluenced by the love of luxury or 
by the other passions of humanity. He was not a 
man of extensive learning, though he was pretty 
well versed in philosophy and in history, and by 
pains and industry had made himself an accomplished 
orator. He could thus wield a great influence by 
his speeches to the people from the rostra. 

Among the aristocrats who composed the oligarchy 
that ruled at about this time were two men born in 
the same year (106 B.C.): the egotistic, vain, and 
irresolute, but personally pure orator, Marcus Tullius 
Cicero; and the cold and haughty soldier, Cneius 
Pompeius Magnus, commonly known as_^omgeyJ;he 
Great. The philosophical, oratorical, and theological 
writings of Cicero are still studied in our schools as 
models in their different classes. Inheriting a love 
of culture from his father, a member of an ancient 
family, he was afforded every advantage in becoming 
acquainted with all branches of a polite education ; 
and travelled to the chief seats of learning in Greece 
and Asia Minor with this end in view. When he 
was twenty-six years of age, he made his first 
appearance as a public pleader, and soon gained the 
reputation of being the first orator at the Roman 
bar. Besides these pursuits, Cicero had had a brief 
military experience, during the war between Sulla 
and Marius. 

Pompey, likewise, began to learn the art of war 
under his father, in the same struggle, but he con- 
tinued its exercise until he became a consummate 
warrior. For his success in pursuing the remains of 


the Marian faction in Africa and Sicily, Pompey 
was honored with the name Magnus (the Great), and 
with a triumph, a distinction that had never before 
been won by a man of his rank who had not pre- 
viously held public office. 

Older than these men there was one whose charac- 
ter is forever blackened on the pages of history by 
the relentless pen of Cicero, Caius Licinius Verres, 
who, if we may believe the only records we have 
regarding him, was the most phenomenal freebooter 
of all time. The story of his career is a vivid 
demonstration of the manner in which the people of 
the Roman provinces were outraged by the officers 
sent to rule over them, and we shall anticipate our 
story a little in tracing it. The provincial governors 
were, as a class, corrupt, and Verres was as vile as 
any of them, but he was also brutal in his manners and 
natural instincts, rapacious, licentious, cruel, and fond 
of low companions. At first, one of the Marian faction, 
he betrayed his associates, embezzled the funds that 
had been entrusted to him, and joined himself to 
Sulla, who sent him to Brundusium, allowing him a 
share in the confiscated estates. Thence he was 
transferred to Cilicia, where again he proved a traitor 
to his superior officer, and stole from cities, private 
persons, temples, and public places, every thing that 
his rapacity coveted. One city offered him a vessel 
as a loan, and he refused to return it ; another had a 
statue of Diana covered with gold, and he scraped 
oft" the precious metal to put it in his pocket. Using 
the money thus gained to ensure his election to office 
at Rome, Verres enjoyed a year at the Capitol, and 



then entered upon a still more outrageous career as 
governor of the island of Sicily. Taking with him 
a painter and a sculptor well versed in the values of 
works of art, he systematically gathered together all 


that was considered choice in the galleries and tem- 
ples. Allowing his officers to make exorbitant exac- 
tions upon the farmers, he confiscated many estates 
to his own use, and reaped the crops. Even travel- 
lers were attacked to enrich this extraordinary 


thief, and six vessels were afterward dispatched to 
Rome with the plunder, which he asserted was 
sufficient to permit him to revel in opulence the 
remainder of his life, even if he were obliged to give 
up two thirds in fines and bribes. 

The people Verres had outraged did not, however, 
suffer in quiet. They engaged Cicero to conduct 
their case against him, and this the great orator did 
with overwhelming success.* Though protected by 
Hortensius, an older advocate, who, during the 
absence of Cicero, on his travels, had acquired the 
highest rank as an orator, so terrible was the 
arraignment in its beginning that, at the suggestion 
of Hortensius, Verres did not remain to hear its 
close, but hastened into voluntary exile. He precipi- 
tately took ship for Marseilles, and for twenty-seven 
years was forced to remain in that city. Would 
that every misdoer among the provincial governors 
had thus been followed up by the law ! 

The representative of the Sullan party at this 
time was Lucius Sergius Patiline, an aristocrat, who, 
during the proscription behaved with fiendish 
atrocity towards those of the opposite party, tortur- 
ing and killing men with the utmost recklessness. 

* The orations of Cicero against Verres are based upon informa- 
tion which +he orator gathered by personally examining witnesses at 
the scenes of the rascality he unveiled. The orator showed a true 
Roman lack of appreciation of Greek art, and exercised his own love 
of puns to a considerable extent, playing a good deal upon the name 
Verres, which meant a boar. The extreme corpulence of the defend- 
ant, too, offered an opportunity for gross personal allusions. Cicero 
compared him to the Erymanthean boar, and called him the "drag- 
net " of Sicily, because his name resembled the word everriculum, a 


His early years had been passed in undisguised 
debaucheries and unrestrained vice, but in spite of 
all his acts, he made political progress, was praetor, 
governor of Africa, and candidate for the consulship 
by turn. Failing in the last effort, however, he 
entered into a conspiracy to murder the successful 
candidates, and was only foiled by his own impa- 
tience. We shall find that he was encouraged by this 
failure which so nearly proved a success. 

There was one man among the host of busy figures 
on the stage at this eventful period who seems to 
stalk about like a born master, and the lapse of time 
since his days has not at all dimmed the fame of his 
deeds, so deep a mark have they left upon the laws and 
customs of mankind, and so noteworthy are they in 
the annals of Rome. Caius Julius Caesar was six 
years younger than Pompey and Cicero, and was of 
the popular or Marian party, both by birth and tastes.' 
His aunt Julia was wife of the great Marius himself, 
and though he had married a young woman of high 
birth to please his father, he divorced her as soon as 
his father died, and married Cornelia, daughter of 
Cinna, the devoted opponent of Sulla, to please him- 

When Sulla returned to Rome from the East, he 
ordered Pompey to put away his wife, and he 
obeyed. He ordered Caesar, a boy of seventeen, to 
give up his Cornelia, and he proudly replied that he 
would not. Of course he could not remain at Rome 
after that, and he fled to the land of the Sabines 
until Sulla was induced to grant him a pardon. 
Still, he did not feel secure at Rome, and a second 


time he sought safety in expatriation. Upon the 
death of the dictator, he returned, having gained 
experience in war, and having developed his talents 
as an orator by study in a school at Rhodes. He 
plunged immediately into public life and won great 
distinction by his effective speaking. 

These are enough characters for us to remember 
at present. They represent four groups, all striving 
for supreme power. Thpp* arp \h f> men of the oli- 
garchy, representcd _by Pompey and Cicero , actually 
holding the reins of government; and Crassus, 
st anding for the aristocrats, who resent theirclaims" 
Caesar, foremost a mon g the Marians, the former 
opponen ts of Sulla and his scheme s ; and Catiline, at 
t he head of the faction wh icli_in eluded the hpgr qjL 
warriors that Sulla had settled in peaceful pursuits 
t hroughout Italy,— in peaceful pursuits that did not 
at all suit their impetuous spirits, ever eager as they 
were for some revolution that would plunge them 
again into strife, and perchance win for them some 

The consuls at the time of the death of Sulla were 
Lepidus and Catulus, who now fell out with one 
another, Lepidus taking the part of the Marians, and 
Catulus holding with the aristocrats. This was the 
same Lepidus who had opposed the burial of the 
dictator Sulla in the Campus Martius. As soon as 
the Marians saw that one consul was ready to favor 
them, there was great excitement among the portion 
of the community that looked for gain in confusion. 
Those who had lost their riches and civic rights, 
hoped to see them restored ; young profligates 


trusted that in some way they might find means to 
gratify their love of luxury ; and the people in 
general, who had no other reason, thought that 


after the three years of the calm of despotism, it 
would be refreshing to see some excitement in the 
forum. Lepidus was profuse in promises ; he told 
the beggars that he would again distribute free 


grain ; and the families deprived of their estates, that 
they might soon expect to enjoy them again. Catu- 
lus protested in vain, and the civil strife constantly 
increased, without any apparent probability that the 
Senate, now weak and inefficient, would or could 
successfully interfere. Finally it was decreed that 
Lepidus and Catulus should each be sent to the 
provinces under oath not to turn their swords against 
each other. 

Lepidus slowly proceeded to carry out his part of 
this decree, but Catulus remained behind long 
enough to complete a great temple, which towered 
above the forum on the Capitoline Hill. The founda- 
tions only remain now, but they bear an inscrip- 
tion placed there by order of the senate, testifying 
that Catulus was the consul under whom the 
structure was completed. Lepidus did not consider 
his oath binding long, and the following year (B.C. 
yj) he marched straight to Rome again, announcing 
to the senators that he came to re-establish the 
rights of the people and to assume the dictatorship 
himself. He was met by an army under Pompey 
and Catulus, at a spot near the Mulvian bridge and 
the Campus Martius, almost on the place where the 
fate of the Roman Empire was to be determined 
four centuries later by a battle between Maxentius 
and Constantine (a.D. 312). Lepidus was defeated 
and forced to flee. Shortly after, he died on the 
island of Sardinia, overcome by chagrin and sorrow. 
One would expect to read of a new proscription, 
after this success, but the victors did not resort to 
that terrible vengeance. Thus Pompey found him- 
self at the head of Roman affairs. 


His first duty was to march against the remnant 
of the party of the Marians. They had joined Ser- 
torius in Spain. It was the year 76 when Pompey 
arrived on the scene of his new operations. He 
found his enemy more formidable than he had sup- 
posed, and it was not until five years had passed, 
and Sertorius had been assassinated, that he was 
able to achieve the victory and scatter the army of 
the Marians. Meantime the Romans had been fear- 
ing that Sertorius would actually prove strong 
enough to march upon the capital and perhaps over- 
whelm it. Hardly had their fears in this respect 
been quieted than they, found themselves menaced 
by a still more frightful catastrophe. 

We remember how, in the year 264 B.C., two 
young Romans honored the memory of their father 
by causing men to fight each other to the death with 
swords to celebrate his funeral, and hints from time 
to time have shown how the Romans had become 
more and more fond of seeing human beings hack 
and hew each other in the amphitheatres. The 
men who were to be " butchered to make a Roman 
holiday," as the poet says, were trained for their 
horrid work with as much system as is now used in 
our best gymnasiums to fit men to live lives of happy 
peace, if not with more. They were divided into 
classes with particular names, according to the arms 
they wore, the hours at which they fought, and 
their modes of fighting, and great were the pains 
that their instructors took to make them perfect in 
their bloody work. Down at Capua, that celebrated 
centre of refinement and luxury, there was a school 


of gladiators, kept by one Lentulus, who hired his 
fierce pupils out to the nobles to be used at games 
and festivals. 

While Pompey was away engaged with Sertorius, 
the enemies of Rome everywhere thought it a favor- 
able moment to give her trouble, and these gladi- 
ators conspired in the year 73 to escape to freedom, 
and thus cheat their captors out of their expected 
pleasures, and give their own wives and children a 
little more of their lives. So large was the school 
that two hundred engaged in the plot, though only 
seventy-eight were successful in escaping. They 
hurried away to the mountains, armed with knives 
and spits that they had been able to snatch from the 
stalls as they fled, and, directed by one Spartacus 
who had been leader of a band of robbers, found 
their way to the crater of Mount Vesuvius, not a 
comfortable resort one would think; but at that 
time it was quite different in form from what it 
is now, the volcano being extinct, so that it afforded 
many of the advantages of a fortified town. From 
every quarter the hard-worked slaves flocked to the 
standaid of Spartacus, and soon he found himself at 
the head of a large army. His plan was to cross the 
Alps, and find a place of refuge in Gaul or in his 
native Thrace ; but his brutalized followers thought 
only of the present. They were satisfied if they 
could now and then capture a rich town, and for a 
while revel in luxuries ; if they could wreak their 
vengeance by forcing the Romans themselves to 
fight as gladiators ; or, if they had the opportunity 
to kill those to whom they attributed their former 
distresses. They cared not to follow their leader to 



the northward, and thus his wiser plans were baffled ; 
but, in spite of all obstacles, he laid the country waste 
from the foot of the Alps to the most southern 
extremity of the toe of the Italian boot. For two 
years he was able to keep up his war against the 
Roman people, but at last he was driven to the 
remotest limits of Bruttium, where his only hope 


was in getting over to Sicily, in the expectation of 
gaining other followers; but his army was signally 
defeated by Crassus, a small remnant only escaping 
to the northward, where they were exterminated by 
Pompey, then returning from Spain (B.C. 71). From 
Capua to Rome six thousand crosses, each bearing a 
captured slave, showed how carefully and ruthlessly 
the man-hunt had been pursued by the frightened 
and exasperated Romans. Both Crassus and Pompey 


claimed the credit of the final victory, Pompey 
asserting that though Crassus had scotched the 
serpent, he had himself killed it. 

On the last day of the year yi Pompey entered 
Rome with the honor of a triumph, while Crassus 
received the less important distinction of an ovation,* 
as it was called, because his success had been ob- 
tained over slaves, less honorable adversaries than 
those whom Pompey had met. Each desired to be 
consul, but neither was properly qualified for the 
office, and therefore they agreed to overawe the 
senate and win the office for both, each probably 
thinking that at the first good opportunity he would 
get the better of the other. In this plan they were 
successful, and thus two aristocrats came to the 
head of government, and the oligarchy, to which one 
of them belonged, went out of power, and soon 
Pompey, who all the time posed as the friend of the 
people, proceeded to repeal the most important parts 
of the legislation of Sulla. The tribunes were re- 
stored, and Pompey openly broke with the aristoc- 
racy to which by birth he belonged, thus beginning 
a new era, for the social class of a man's family was 
no longer to indicate the political party to which he 
should give his adherence. 

* In a triumph in these times, the victorious general, clad in a robe 
embroidered with gold, and wearing a laurel wreath, solemnly entered 
the city riding in a chariot drawn by four horses. The captives and 
spoils went before him, and the army followed. He passed along &"» 
Via Sacra on the Forum Romanum, and went up to the Capitol to 
sacrifice in the temple of Jupiter. In the ovation the general entered 
the city on foot, wore a simple toga, and a wreath of myrtle, and was 
in other respects not so conspicuously honored as in the triumph. 
n he two celebrations differed in other respects also. 














The master spirits of this remarkable age were 
now in full action on the stage, and it is difficult to 
keep the eye fixed upon all of them at once. Now one 
is prominent and now another ; all are pushing their 
particular interests, while each tries to make it ap- 
pear that he has nothing but the good of the state 
at heart. Whenever it is evident that a certain 
cause is the popular one, the various leaders, op- 
posed on most subjects, are united to help it, in the 
hope of catching the popular breeze. During the 
consulship of Pompey and Catulus, Pompey was the 
principal Roman citizen, and he tried to make sure 
that his prestige should not be lessened when he 
should step down from his high office. 

Crassus, aristocrat by birth and aristocrat by choice, 
had been a candidate for the senate in opposition to 
Pompey, but he soon found that his interest de- 
manded that he should make peace with his powerful 
colleague, and as he did it, he told the people that 
he did not consider that his action was in any degree 
base or humiliating, for he simply made advances to 
one whom the> ! had themselves named the Great. 
Crowds daily courted Pompey on account of his 


power; but a multitude equally numerous surrounded 
Crassus for his wealth, and Cicero on account of his 
wonderful oratory. Even Julius Caesar, the strong 
Marian, who pronounced .a eulogy upon his aunt, 
the widow of Marius, seemed also to pay homage to 
Pompey,when, a year later, he took to wife Pompeia, 
a relative of the great soldier (B.C. 67). 

Both Caesar and Pompey saw that gross corruption 
was practised by the chiefs of the senate when they 
had control of the provinces, and knew that it ought 
to be exposed and effectually stopped, but Caesar was 
the first to take action. He was quickly followed by 
Pompey, however, who encouraged Cicero to de- 
nounce the crimes of Verres with the success that 
we have already noticed. Cicero loftily exclaimed 
that he did not seek to chastise a single wicked man 
who had abused his authority as governor, but to 
extinguish and blot out all wickedness in all places, 
as the Roman people had long been demanding; but 
with all his eloquence he was not able to make the 
people appreciate the fact that the interests of Rome 
were identical with the well-being and prosperity of 
her allies, distant or near at hand. 

Both Crassus and Pompey retired from the con- 
sulship amid the plaudits of the people and with the 
continued friendship of the optimates. Crassus, out 
of his immense income, spread a feast for the people 
on ten thousand tables; dedicated a tenth of his 
wealth to Hercules ; and distributed among the citi- 
zens enough grain to supply their families three 
months. With all his efforts, however, he could not 
gain the favor which Pompey apparently held with 


ease. For two years Pompey assumed royal man 
ners, and gave himself up to the enjoyment of his 
popularity, but then beginning to fear that without 
some new evidence of genius he might lose the ad- 
miration of the people, he began to make broad 
plans to astonish them. 

For years the Mediterranean Sea had been infested 
by daring pirates, who at last made it unsafe for a 
Roman noble even to drive to his sea-side villa, or a 
merchant to venture abroad for purposes of trade. 
Cities had been ravaged, and the enemies of Rome 
had from time to time made alliances with the ma- 
rauders. The pirates dyed their sails with Tyrian 
purple, they inlaid their oars with silver, and they 
spread gold on their pennants, so rich had their 
booty made them. Nor were they less daring than 
rich; they had captured four hundred towns of im- 
portance, they had once kidnapped Caesar himself, 
and held him for enormous ransom,* and now they 
threatened to cut off the entire supply of grain that 
came from Africa, Sardinia, and Sicily. 

The crisis was evident to all, and in it Pompey saw 

* This occurred in the year 76 B.C., when Caesar, at the age of 
twenty-four, was on his way to Rhodes, intending to perfect himself 
in oratory at the school of Apollonius Molo, the teacher of Cicero. 
He was travelling as a gentleman of rank, and was captured off 
Miletus. After a captivity of six weeks, during which he mingled 
freely with the games and pastimes of the pirates, though plainly 
assuring them that he should one day hang them all, Caesar was 
liberated, on payment of a ransom of some fifty thousand dollars. 
Good as his word, he promptly collected a fleet of vessels, returned to 
the island, seized the miscreants as they were dividing their plunder, 
carried them off to Pergamos, and had them crucified. He then went 
on to Rhodes, and practised elocution for two years. 


his opportunity. In the year 6y, he caused a law to 
be introduced by the tribune Gabinius, ordaining that 
a commander of consular rank should be appointed 
for three years, with absolute power over the sea and 
the coasts about it for fifty miles inland, together 
with a fleet of two hundred sail, with officers, sea- 
men, and supplies. When the bill had passed, 
Gabinius declared that there was but one man fit 
to exercise such remarkable power, and it was con- 
ferred with acclamations upon Pompey, whom he 
nominated. The price of grain immediately fell, for 
every one had confidence that the dread crisis was 
passed. The people were right, for in a few weeks 
the pirates had all been brought to terms. Pompey 
had divided the sea into thirteen parts, and in each 
of them the freebooters had been encountered in 
open battle, driven into creeks and captured, or 
forced to take refuge in their castles and hunted out 
of them, so that those who were not taken had sur- 

The next move among the master spirits led to 
the still greater advancement of Pompey. His sup- 
porters at Rome managed to have him appointed to 
carry on a war in the East. In the year 74, when 
other enemies of the republic seized the opportunity 
to rise against Rome, Mithridates, never fully con- 
quered, entered upon a new war. Lucius Licinius 
Lucullus, who had gained fame in the former struggle 
with Mithridates, was sent again to protect Roman 
interests in Pontus. He completely broke the power 
of the great monarch, in spite of his vast prepara- 
tions for the struggle, but, under a pretext, he was 



now superseded by Pompey, who went out with a 
feigned appearance of reluctance, to pluck the fruit 
just ready to drop (B.C. 66). Cicero urged Pompey 
to accept this new honor,* and Caesar, who enjoyed 
the precedents that Pompey had established, in 
adopting monarchical style, was now glad to have a 


rival removed from the country, that he might have 
better opportunity to perfect his own plans. 

* When the Manilian law which enlarged the powers of Pompey was 
under discussion, Cicero made his first address to the Roman people, 
and though vigorously opposed by Hortensius and Catulus, carried the 
day against the senate and the optimates whom they represented. 
This oration contains a panegyric of Pompey for suppressing piracy, 
and argues that a public servant who has done well once deserves tc 
be trusted again. 


The third or great Mithridatic war lasted from 
the year 74, when Lucullus was sent out, to 61. By 
the terms of the Manilian law, Pompey went out 
with unlimited power over the whole of Asia, as far 
as Armenia, as well as over the entire Roman forces ; 
and as he already was supreme over the region about 
the Mediterranean Sea, he was practically dictatoi 
throughout all of the dominions of the republic. He 
planned his first campaign with so much skill that 
he cut Mithridates off from all help by sea, and des- 
troyed every hope of alliances with other rulers. So 
clearly did it appear to the Pontic monarch that 
resistance would be vain, that he sued for peace. 
Pompey would accept no terms but unconditional 
surrender, however, and negotiations were broken off. 
Mithridates determined to avoid battle, but Pompey 
finally surprised and defeated him in Lesser Ar- 
menia, forcing him to flight. He found a retreat 
in the mountainous region north of the Euxine Sea, 
where Pompey was unable to follow him. There he 
meditated grand schemes against the Romans, which 
he was utterly unable to carry out, and at last he fell 
a victim to the malevolence of one of his former 
favorites (B.C. 63). 

Pompey continued his conquering progress through- 
out Asia Minor, and did not return to Rome until he 
had subdued Armenia, Syria, Phoenicia, and Pales- 
tine,* had established many cities, and had organized 

* There was civil war in Palestine at the time, and the king surren- 
dered to Pompey, but the people refused, took refuge in the strong- 
hold of the temple, and were only overcome after a seige of three 
months. Pompey explored the temple, examined the golden vessels, 
the table of shew bread, and the candlesticks in their places, but was 


the frontier of the Roman possessions from the 
Euxine to the river Jordan. When he arrived at 
Rome, on the first of January, 61, he found that 
affairs had considerably changed during his absence, 
and it was not easy for him to determine what 
position he should assume in relation to the political 
parties. Cicero offered him his friendship; Cato, 
grandson of the stern old censor, and an influential 
portion of the senate opposed him ; Crassus and 
Lucullus, too, were his personal enemies ; and Caesar, 
who appeared to support him, had really managed 
to prepare for him a secondary position in the state. 
On the last day of September, Pompey celebrated 
the most splendid triumph that the city had ever 
seen, and with it the glorious part of his life ended. 
Over three hundred captive princes walked before 
his chariot, and brazen tablets declared that he had 
captured a thousand fortresses, many small towns, 
and eight hundred ships ; that he had founded 
thirty-nine cities, and vastly raised the public revenue. 
The year following the departure of Pompey for 
the East was rendered noteworthy by the breaking 
out of a conspiracy that will never be forgotten so 
long as the writings of Cicero and Sallust remain. 
These were times of treasons, stratagems, and greed 
for spoils. Vice and immorality were rampant, and 
among the vicious and dabased none had fallen lower 
than Lucius Sergius Catiline, a ferocious man of 
powerful body and strong mind, who first appears as 

surprised to find the Holy of Holies empty, there being no represen- 
tation of a deity. He reverently refrained from touching the gold, 
the spices, and the money that he saw, and ordered the place to be 
cleansed and purified that service might be resumed. 


a partisan of Sulla and an active agent in his pro- 
scription. All his powers were perverted to evil, and 
when to his natural viciousness there was added the 
intensity of disappointed political ambition, he was 
ready to plunge his country into the most desperate 
strife to gratify his hate. He stands for the worst 
vices of this wretched age. He had been a provin- 
cial governor, and in Africa had perpetrated all the 
crimes that Cicero could impute to a Verres, and 
thus had proclaimed himself a villain of the deepest 
dye, both abroad and at home. 

Gathering about him the profligate nobles and the 
criminals who had nothing to lose and every thing to 
gain by revolution, Catiline plotted to murder the 
consuls and seize the government ; but his attempt 
was foiled, and he waited for a more favorable op- 
portunity. Two years later he was defeated by 
Cicero as candidate for the consulship, and the plot 
was renewed, it being then determined to add the 
burning of the city to the other atrocities contem- 
plated. Cicero discovered the scheme, and unveiled 
its horrid details in four orations ; but again the 
miserable being was permitted to escape justice. He 
was present and listened in rage to the invective of 
Cicero until he could bear it no longer, and then 
rushed wildly out and joined his armed adherents, 
an open enemy of the state. His plot failed in the 
city through imprudence of the conspirators and the 
skill of Cicero, and he himself fled, hoping to reach 
Gaul. He was, however, hemmed in by the Roman 
army and killed in a battle. Catiline's head was sent 
to Rome to assure the government that he was no 


more. Cicero, who had caused nine of the con- 
spirators to be put to death,* now laid down his 
consular authority amid the plaudits of the people, 
who, under the lead of Cato and Catulus, hailed him 
as the Father of his Country. 

Cicero was apparently spoiled by his success. 
Carried away by his own oratorical ability, he too 
often reminded the people in his long and eloquent 
speeches of the great deeds that he had done for the. 
country. They cheered him as he spoke, but after 
this they never raised him to power again. 

Just about this time a noble named Publius Clo- 
dius Pulcher, who was a demagogue of the worst 
moral character, in the pursuance of his base in- 
trigues, committed an act of sacrilege by entering 
the house of Caesar, disguised as a woman, during 
the celebration of the mysteries of the Bona Dea, to 
which men were never admitted. He was tried for 
the impiety, and, through the efforts of Cicero, was 
almost convicted, though he managed to escape by 
bribery. He was ever afterward a determined enemy 
of the great orator, and, by the aid of Pompey, Caesar, 
and Crassus, finally succeeded in having him con- 
demned for putting to death the Catilinian conspira- 
tors without due process of law. Cicero does not 
appear manly in the story of this affair. He left 
Rome, fearing to face the result ; and after he had 

* Under Roman law no citizen could legally be put to death except 
by the sanction of the Comitia Curiata, the sovereign assembly of the 
people, though it often happened that the regulation was ignored. If 
nobody dared or cared to object, no notice was taken of the irregu- 
larity, but we shall see that Cicero paid dearly for his action at this 


gone Clodius caused a bill to be passed by which he 
was declared a public enemy, and every citizen was 
forbidden to give him fire or water within four hun- 
dred miles of Rome (spring of 58). He found his 
way to Brundusium and thence to Greece, where he 
passed his time in the most unmanly wailings and 
gloomy forebodings. His property was confiscated, 
his rich house on the Palatine Hill and his villas 
being given over to plunder and destruction. Strange 
as it appears, Cicero was recalled the next year, and 
entered the city amid the hearty plaudits of the 
changeful people, though his self-respect was gone 
and his spirit broken. 

Meantime, Caesar had been quietly pushing him- 
self to the front. He had returned from Spain, 
where he had been governor, at about the time that 
Pompey had returned from the East. He reconciled 
that great warrior to Crassus (called from his im- 
mense wealth Dives, the rich), and with the two made 
a secret arrangement to control the government. 
This was known as the First Triumvirate* or gov- 
ernment of three men, though it was only a coali- 
tion, and did not strictly deserve the name given it 
(B.C. 60). Caesar reaped the first-fruits of the league, 
as he intended, by securing the office of consul, 
through the assistance of his colleagues, whose influ- 
ence proved irresistible. 

/ Entering upon his office in the year 59, Caesar 
very soon obtained the good-will of all, — first win- 

* Each of the three pledged himself not to speak nor to act except 
to subserve the common interest of all, though of course they were 
not sincere in their promises of mutual support. 


ning the people by proposing an agrarian law divid- 
ing the public lands among them. This was the last 
law of this sort, as that of Cassius (B.C. 486) had been 
the first.* He rewarded Crassus by means of a law 
remitting one third of the sum that the publicans 
who had agreed to farm the revenues in Asia Minor 
had contracted to pay to the state ; and satisfied 
Pompey by a ratification of all his acts in the East. 
The distribution of the lands among the people was 
placed in the hands of Pompey and Crassus. 

At the end of his term of office Caesar was made 
governor of Gaul, an office which he sought no more 
for the opportunity it afforded of gaining renown by 
conquering those ancient enemies who had formerly 
visited Rome with such dire devastation, than be- 
cause he hoped to win for himself an army and 
partisans who would be useful in carrying out further 
ambitious ends. 

Caesar now entered upon a wonderful career of 
conquest, which lasted nine years. The story of what 
he accomplished during the first seven is given in his 
" Commentaries," as they are called, which are still 
read in schools, on account of the incomparable sim- 
plicity, naturalness, and purity of the style in which 
they are written, as well as because they seem to 
give truthful accounts of the events they describe. 
Sixty years before this time the Romans had pos- 
sessed themselves of a little strip of Gaul south of 
the Alps, which was known as the Province,f and 
though they had ever since thought that there was a 
very important region to the north and west that 
* See page 83. f See pages 166 and 182. 


might be conquered, they made no great effort to 
gain it. Caesar was now to win imperishable laurels 
by effecting what had been before only vaguely 
dreamed of. He first made himself master of the 
country of the Helvetii (modern Switzerland), de-= 
feated the Germans under their famous general, 
Ariovistus, and subjected the Belgian confederacy. 
The frightful carnage involved in these campaigns 
cannot be described, and the thousands upon thou- 
sands of brave barbarians who were sacrificed to the 
extension of Roman civilization are enough to make 
one shudder. When the despatches of Caesar an- 
nouncing his successes reached Rome, the senate, on 
motion of Cicero, though against the protestations of 
Cato, ordained that a grand public thanksgiving, 
lasting fifteen days, should be celebrated (B.C. 57). 
This was an unheard-of honor, the most ostentatious 
thanksgiving of the kind before — that given to Pom- 
pey, after the close of the war against Mithridates — 
having lasted but ten days. 

Pompey and Crassus had fallen out during the ab- 
sence of Caesar, and he now invited them to meet 
and consult at Lucca, at the foot of the Apennines, 
just north of Pisa, where (April, 56) he held a sort of 
court, hundreds of Roman senators waiting upon 
him to receive the bribes with which he ensured the 
success of his measures during his absences in the 
field."* Here the three agreed that Pompey should 

* Pompey had left Rome ostensibly for the purpose of arranging for 
supplies of grain from Africa and Sardinia. He was followed by 
many of his most noted adherents, the conference counting more than 
two hundred senators and sixscore lictors. Cassar, like a mighty 


rule Spain, Crassus Syria, and Caesar Gaul, which 
he had made his own. Caesar still kept on with his 
conquests, meeting desperate resistance, however, 
from the hordes of barbarians, who would not remain 
conquered, but engaged in revolts that caused him 
vast trouble and the loss of large numbers of soldiers. 
Incidentally to his other wars, he made two incur- 
sions into Britain, the home of our forefathers (B.C. 
55 and 54), and nominally conquered the people, but 
it was not a real subjugation. Shakespeare did not 
make a mistake when he put into the mouth of the 
queen-wife of Cymbeline the words : 

* * * " A kind of conquest 

Caesar made here ; but made not here his brag 

Of ' came' and ' saw' and ' overcame,' " 

and certainly the brave Britons did not continue to 
obey their self-styled Roman " rulers." 

In the sixth year of Caesar's campaigns in Gaul, it 
seemed as if all was to be lost to the Romans. There 
arose a young general named Vercingetorix, who was 
much abler than any leader the Gauls had ever op- 
posed to their enemies, and he united them as they 
had never been united before. This man persuaded 
his countrymen to lay their own country waste, in 
order that it might not afford any abiding place for 
the Romans, but contrary to his intentions one town 
that was stongly fortified was left, and to that Caesar 

magician, caused the discordant spirits to act in concert. The power 
of the triumvirs is shown by the change that came over public opinion, 
and the calmness with which their acts were submitted to, though it 
was evident that the historic form of government was to be overturned, 
and a monarchy established. 


laid siege, finally taking it and butchering all the 
men, women, and children that it contained. Ver- 
cingetorix then fortified himself at Alesia (southeast 
of Paris), where he was, of course, besieged by the 
Romans, but soon Caesar found his own forces at- 
tacked in the rear, and surrounded by a vast army of 
Gauls, who had come to the relief of their leader. 
In the face of such odds, he succeeded in vanquish- 
ing the enemy, and took the place, achieving the 
most wonderful act of his genius. The conquered 
chief was reserved to grace a Roman triumph, and to 
die by the hand of a Roman executioner.* The fate 
of Gaul was now certain, and Caesar found compara- 
tively little difficulty in subduing the remaining 
states, the last of which was Aquitania, the flat and 
uninteresting regipn in the southwest of modern 
France, watered by the Garonne and washed by the 
Atlantic. The conqueror treated the Gauls with 
mildness, and endeavored in every way to make 
them adopt Roman habits and customs. As they 
had lost all hope of resisting him, they calmly ac- 
cepted the situation, and the foundation of the 
subsequent Romanizing of the west of Europe was 
laid. Three million Gauls had been conquered, a 

♦The historian Mommsen says cf this unfortunate "barbarian": 
"As after a day of gloom the sun breaks through the clouds at its 
setting, so destiny bestows on nations in their decline a last great man. 
Thus Hannibal stands at the close of the Phoenician history and 
Vercingetorix at the close of the Celtic. They were not all to save the 
nations to which they belonged from a foreign yoke, but they spared 
them the last remaining disgrace — an ignominious fall. ... The 
whole ancient world presents no more genuine knight [than Vercin- 
getorix], whether as regards his essential character or his outward 


million had been butchered, and another million 
taken captive, while eight hundred cities, centres of 
active life and places of the enjoyment of those 
social virtues for which the rough inhabitants of the 
region were noted, had been destroyed. Legions of 
Roman soldiers had been cut to pieces in accom- 
plishing this result, the influence of which upon the 
history of Europe can hardly be over-estimated. 
Caesar had completely eclipsed the military prestige 
of his rival, Pompey the Great. 

W^W«T^ji' ;■ • . - -~- 






i/ ■ 





'•'■ ' 




It was agreed at the conference of Lucca that 
Pompey should rule Spain, but it did not suit his 
plans to go to that distant country. He preferred 
to remain at Rome, where he thought that he might 
do something that would establish his influence with 
the people, and give him the advantage over his col- 
leagues that they were each seeking to get over him. 
In order to court popularity, he built the first stone 
theatre that Rome had ever seen, capable of accom- 
modating the enormous number of forty thousand 
spectators, and opened it with a splendid exhibition 
(B.C. 55).* Day after day the populace were ad- 

* This theatre was built after the model of one that Pompey had 
seen at Mitylene, and stood between the Campus Martius and Circus 
Flaminius. Adjoining it was a hall affording shelter for the specta- 
tors in bad weather, in which Julius Caesar was assassinated. The 
Roman theatres had no roofs, and, in early times, no seats. At this 
period there were seats of stone divided by broad passages for the 
convenience of the audience in going in and out. A curtain, which 
was drawn down instead of up, served to screen the actors from the 
spectators. Awnings were sometimes used to protect the audience 
from rain and sun. A century before this time the Senate had 
stopped the construction of a theatre, and prohibited dramatic exhi- 
bitions as subversive of good morals. The actors usually wore masks. 
See page 159. 


mitted, and on each occasion new games and plays 
were prepared for their gratification. For the first 
time a rhinoceros was shown ; eighteen elephants 
were killed by fierce Libyan hunters, and five 
hundred African lions lost their lives in the combats 
to which they were forced ; the vehement, tragic 
actor /Esopus, then quite aged, came out of his 
retirement for the occasion, and uttered his last 
words on the stage, the juncture being all the more 
remarkable from the fact that his strength failed him 
in the midst of a very emphatic part ; gymnasts con- 
tended, gladiators fought to the death, and the crowd 
cheered, but, alas for Pompey ! the cheers expressed 
merely temporary enjoyment at the scenes before 
them, and did not at all indicate that he had been 
received to their hearts. 

Crassus, in the meantime, was thinking that he too 
must accomplish something great or he would be 
left behind by both of his associates. He reflected' 
that Caesar had won distinction in Gaul, and Pompey 
by overcoming the pirates and conquering the East, 
and determined to show his skill as a warrior in his 
new province, Parthia. There was no cause for war 
against the people of that distant land, but a cause 
might easily be found, or a war begun without one, 
the great object aimed at being the extension of the 
sovereignty of Rome, and marking the name of Cras- 
sus high on the pillar of fame. This would surely, 
he thought, give him the utmost popularity. Thus, 
in the year 54, he set out for Syria, and the world 
saw each of the triumvirs busily engaged in pushing 
his own cause in his own way. Ten years later not 


one of them was alive to enjoy that which they had 
all so earnestly sought. 

It is not necessary to follow Crassus minutely in 
his campaign. He spent a winter in byria, ana in 
the spring of 53 set out for the still distant East, 
crossing the Euphrates, and plunging into the desert 
wastes of old Mesopotamia, where he was betrayed 
into the hands of the enemy, and lost, not far from 
Carrhae (Charran or Haran), the City of Nahor, to 
which the patriarch Abraham migrated with his 
family from Ur of the Chaldees. Thus there re- 
mained but two of the three ambitious seekers of 
popular applause. 

Pompey had been in some degree attached to 
Caesar through his daughter Julia, whom he had 
married ; but she died in the same year that Crassus 
went to the East, and from that time he gravitated 
toward the aristocrats, with whom his former affilia- 
tions had been. The ten years of Caesar's govern- 
ment were to expire on the 1st of January, 48, and 
it became important for him to obtain the office of 
consul for the following year; but the senate and 
Pompey were equally interested to have him de- 
prived of the command of the army before receiving 
any new appointment. The reason for this was that 
Cato""* had declared that as soon as Caesar should 

* This Cato was great-grandson of Cato the Censor (see page 152), 
was a man who endeavored to remind the world constantly of his 
illustrious descent by imitating the severe independence of his great 
ancestor, and by assuming marked peculiarity of dress and behavior. 
His life, blighted by an early disappointment in love, was unfortu- 
nate to the last. He was a consistent, but often ridiculous^ leader of 
the minority opposed to the triumvirs. 

CjEsar popular with his army. 235 

become a private citizen he would bring him to 
trial for illegal acts of which his enemies accused 
him ; and it was plain to him, no less than to all the 
world, that if Pompey were in authority at the time, 
conviction would certainly follow such a trial. One 
of Cicero's correspondents said on this subject: 
" Pompey has absolutely determined not to allow 
Caesar to be elected consul on any terms except a 
previous resignation of his army and his government, 
while Caesar is convinced that he must inevitably 
fall if he has once let go his army." 

In the year 50, Caesar went into Cisalpine Gaul, 
that is, into the region which is now known as 
Northern Italy, and was received as a great con- 
queror. He then went over the mountains to Farther 
Gaul and reviewed his army — the army that he had 
so often led to victory. He did not lose sight of the 
fact that it was now, more than ever before, neces- 
sary for him to have some one in Rome who would 
look out for his interests in his abscences, and he 
bethought himself of a man whom he had known 
from his youth, Caius Scribonius Curio by name, a 
spendthrift whom he had vainly tried to inspire with 
higher ambition than the mere gratification of his 
appetites. He was married to Fulvia, a scheming 
woman of light character, widow of Clodius (who 
afterwards become wife of Marc Antony), and he was 
harassed by enormous debts. Though Curio was 
allied to the party of Pompey, Caesar won him over 
by paying his debts,* and he then began cautiously 

* The debts of this young man have been estimated as high as 
$2,500,000, and their vastness shows by contrast how wealthy private 
citizens sometimes became at this epoch. 


to turn his back upon his former associates. At 
first, he pretended to act against Caesar as usual; 
then he cautiously assumed the appearance of 
neutrality ; and, when the proper opportunity arrived, 
he threw all the weight of his influence in favor of 
the master to whom he had sold himself. Curio was 
not the only person whom Caesar bought, for he dis- 
tributed immense sums among other citizens of influ- 
ence, as he had not hesitated to do before, and they 
quietly interposed objections to any movement against 
him, though outwardly holding to Pompey's party. 

The senate, assisted by the solemn jugglery of the 
pontiffs, who had charge of the calendar and were 
accustomed to shorten or lengthen the year accord- 
ing as their political inclinations impelled them, pro- 
posed to weaken Caesar's position by obliging him to 
resign his authority November 13th, though his term 
did not expire, as we know, until the following January. 

Under these circumstances, Curio, then one of the 
tribunes of the people, began his tactics by plausibly 
urging that it would be only fair that Pompey, who 
was not far from the city at the head of an army, 
should also give up his authority at the same time 
before entering the city. Pompey had no intention 
of doing this, though everybody saw that it was 
reasonable, and Curio took courage and went a step 
farther, denouncing him as evidently designing to 
make himself tyrant.* However, in order to keep 

* A tyrant was simply a ruler with dictatorial powers, and it was 
not until he abused his authority that he became the odious character 
indicated by the modern meaning of the title ; but any thing that 
looked like a return to the government of a king was hateful to the 


up his appearance of impartiality, he approved a 
declaration that unless both generals should lay 
down their authority, they ought to be denounced 
as public enemies, and that war should be immedi- 
ately declared against them. Pompey became indig- 
nant at this. Finally it was decided that each com- 
mander should be ordered to give up one legion, to be 
used against the Parthians, in a war which it was pre- 
tended would soon open. Pompey readily assented, 
but craftily managed to perform his part without 
any loss ; for he called upon Caesar to return to him 
a legion that he had borrowed three years before. 
The senate then sent both legions to Capua instead 
of to Asia, intending, in due time, to use them 
against Caesar. Caesar gave up the two legions 
willingly, because he thought that with the help of 
the army that remained, and with the assistance of 
the citizens whom he had bribed, he would be able 
to take care of himself in any emergency, but never- 
theless he endeavored to bind the soldiers of these 
legions more firmly to him by giving a valuable 
present to each one as he went away.* Not long 
after this Curio went to Ravenna to consult Caesar. 

* One of Cicero's correspondents writing in January, 50, says in a 
postscript : "I told you above that Curio was freezing, but he finds 
it warm enough just at present, everybody being hotly engaged in 
pulling him to pieces. Just because he failed to get an intercalary 
month, without the slightest ado he has stepped over to the popular 
side, and begun to harangue in favor of Caesar." 

In replying to this, Cicero wrote : " The paragraph you added was 
indeed a stab from the point of your pen. What ! Curio now become 
a supporter of Caesar. Who could ever have expected this but myself ? 
for, upon my life, I really did expect it. Good heavens ! how I miss 
our laughing together over it." 


We see on our maps a little stream laid down as 
the boundary between Italy and Gaul. It is called 
the Rubicon ; but when we go to Italy and look for 
the stream itself we do not find it so easily, because 
there are at least two rivers that may be taken for it. 
However, it is not of much importance for the pur- 
poses of history which was actually the boundary. 
North of the Rubicon we see the ancient city of 
Ravenna, which stood in old times like Venice, on 
islands, and like it was intersected in all directions 
by canals through which the tide poured volumes of 
purifying salt water twice every day. Now the 
canals are all filled up, and the city is four miles 
from the sea, so large have been the deposits from 
the muddy waters that flow down the rivers into the 
Adriatic at that place. Thirty-three miles south of 
Ravenna and nine miles from the Rubicon, the map 
shows us another ancient town called Ariminum, 
connected directly with Rome by the Flaminian 
road, which was built some two hundred years before 
the time of which we are writing. Ravenna was the 
last town in the territory of Caesar on the way to 
Rome, and there he took his position to watch 
proceedings, for it was not allowed him to leave his 

On the first of January, 49, Curio arrived at Rome 
with a letter from Caesar offering to give up his 
command provided Pompey would do the same. 
The consuls at that time were partisans of Pompey, 
and they at first refused to allow the letter to be 
read ; but the tribunes of the people were in favor 
of Caesar, and they forced the senators to listen to it 

1! 3 



A violent debate followed, and it was finally voted 
that unles.3 Caesar should disband his army within a 
certain time he should be considered an enemy of 
the state, and be treated accordingly. On the sixth 
of the same month the power of dictators was given 
to the consuls, and the two tribunes who favored 
Caesar — one of whom was Marc Antony — fled to him 
in disguise, for there was no safety for them in Rome. 
Now there was war. On the one side we have 
Pompey, proud and confident, but unprepared be- 
cause he was so confident ; and on the other, Caesar, 
cool and unperturbed, relying not only on his army, 
but also upon the friends that his money and tact 
had made among the soldiers with him, no less than 
among those at Capua and elsewhere, upon which 
his opponent also depended. 

The moment is one that has been fixed in the 
memory of men for all time by a proverbial expres- 
sion based upon an apochryphal event that might 
well have happened upon the banks of the little 
Rubicon. As soon as Caesar heard of the action of 
the senate he assembled his soldiers and asked them 
if they would support him. They replied that they 
would follow him wherever he commanded. The 
story runs that he then ordered the army to advance 
upon Ariminum, but that when he arrived at the 
little dividing river he ordered a halt, and meditated 
upon his course. He knew that when he crossed 
that line blood would surely flow from thousands of 
Romans, and he asked himself whether he was right 
in bringing such woes upon his countrymen, and 
how his act would be represented in history. 


It is not improbable that the great conqueror 
entertained thoughts like these, for he was a writer 
of history as well as one of the mightiest makers of 
it ; but he mentions nothing of the sort in his own 
story of the advance, and we may well doubt whether 
it was not invented by Suetonius, or some other his- 
torian, who wished to make his account as picturesque 
as possible. It is said that after these thoughts 
Caesar exclaimed : " The die is cast ; let us go where 
the gods and the injustice of our enemies direct us ! " 
He then urged his charger through the stream. 

There had been confusion in the capital many a 
time before, but probably never was there such a 
commotion as arose when it was known that the 
conqueror of Gaul, the man who had for years 
marched through that great region as a mighty 
monarch, was on the way towards it. That the 
consuls were endowed with dictatorial power for 
the emergency, availed little. A few days before, 
some one had asked Pompey what he should do for 
an army if Caesar should leave his province with his 
soldiers, and he replied haughtily that he should 
need but to stamp on the ground and soldiers 
would spring up. Now he stamped, and stamped 
in vain ; no volunteers came at his call. The 
venerable senators, successors of those who had 
remained in their seats when the barbarians were 
coming, hastened away for dear life ; they did not 
make the usual sacrifices ; they did not take their 
goods and chattels; they even forgot the public 
treasure, which would have been of the utmost use 
to them and to the cause of Pompey. 


Caesar's army supported him as a whole, but there 
was one self-important man among the leaders of it 
who proved an exception. Titus Labienus, who had 
been with Caesar in Spain, who had performed some 
brilliant feats when Vercingetorix revolted, and 
who was in all his master's confidence, had allowed 
his little mind to become filled with pride and am- 
bition until he began to believe that he was at the 
bottom of Caesar's success, and probably as great a 
general as he ! He was ready to allow the Pompei- 
ans to beguile him from his allegiance, and at last 
went over to them. Caesar, to show how little he 
cared for the defection of Labienus, hastened to send 
his baggage after him; but in Rome he was wel- 
comed with acclamations. Cicero, the trimmer, 
exclaimed : " Labienus has behaved quite like a 
hero ! " and believed that Caesar had received a tre- 
mendous blow by his defection. This deserter's act 
had, however, no effect whatever on the progress of 
Caesar, who, though it was the middle of winter, 
marched onwards, receiving the surrender of city 
after city, giving to all the conquered citizens the 
most liberal terms, and thus binding them firmly to 
his cause.* 

Pompey did not even attempt to interrupt the 
triumphant career of his enemy, but determined to 
find safety out of Italy, and hastened to Brundusium 

* As Caesar approached Rome, Cato took flight, and, determined to 
mourn until death the unhappy lot of his country, allowed his hair to 
grow, and resigned himself to unavailing grief. Too weak and per- 
plexed to stand against opposing troubles, he fondly thought that 
resolutions and laws and a temporizing policy might avail to bring 
happiness and order to a distraught commonwealth. 


as fast as possible. After mastering the whole 
country, Caesar reached the same port before Pompey 
was able to get away, and began a siege, in the 
progress of which Pompey escaped. Caesar was not 
able to follow, on account of a want of vessels. He 
therefore turned back to Rome, where he encountered 
no opposition, except from Metellus, a tribune of 
the people, who attempted to keep him from taking 
possession of the gold in the temple of Saturn, 
traditionally supposed to have been that which 
Camillus had recovered from Brennus. It was in- 
tended for use in case the Gauls should make another 
invasion, but Caesar said that he had conquered the 
Gauls, and they need be feared no more. " Stand 
aside, young man ! " he exclaimed ; " it is easier for 
me to do than to say ! " Metellus saw that it was 
not worth while to discuss the question with such a 
man, and prudently stepped aside. 

Caesar did not remain at Rome at this time, but 
hastened to Spain, where partisans of Pompey were 
in arms, leaving Marc Antony in charge of Italy in 
general, and Marcus Lepidus responsible for order in 
the city. Both of these men were destined to be- 
come more prominent in the future. At the same 
time, legions were sent to Sicily and Sardinia, and 
their success, which was easily gained, preserved the 
city from a scarcity of grain. Caesar himself over- 
came the Pompeians in Spain, and, in accordance 
with his policy in Italy, dismissed them unharmed. 
Most of their soldiers were taken into his ow i army. 
He then felt free to continue his movements against 
Pompey himself, and returned to the capital. 


For eleven days Caesar was dictator of Rome, 
receiving the office from Lepidus, who had been 
authorized to give it by those senators who had not 
fled with Pompey. In that short period he passed 
laws calling home the exiles ; giving back their rights 
as citizens to the children of those who had suffered 
in the Sullan proscription ; and affording relief to 
debtors. Then, causing the senate to declare him 
consul, he started for Brundusium to pursue his 
rival. It was the fourth of January, 48, when he sailed 
for the coast of Epirus, and the following day he 
landed on the soil of Greece. He met Pompey at 
Dyrrachium, but his force was so small that he was 
defeated. He then retreated to the southeast, and 
another battle was fought on the plain of Pharsalia, 
in Thessaly, June 6, 48. The forces were still very 
unequal, Pompey having more than two soldiers to 
one of Caesar's ; but Caesar's were the better warriors, 
and Pompey was totally defeated. Feeling that 
every thing was now lost, Pompey sought an asylum 
in Egypt ; and there he was assassinated by order of 
the reigning monarch, who hoped to win the favor 
of Caesar in his contest with his sister, Cleopatra, 
who claimed the throne. 

Caesar followed his adversary with his usual 
promptness, and when he had reached Egypt was 
shown his rival's severed head, from which he turned 
with real or feigned sadness and tears. This alarmed 
the king and his partisans, and they still further lost 
heart when Cleopatra won Caesar to her support by 
the charms of her personal beauty. 

After a brief struggle known as the Alexandrine 

"VENT, VIDI, VI CI." 245 

War, which closed in March, 47, Caesar placed the 
queen and her brother on the throne. It was at this 
time that the great Library and Museum at Alexan- 
dria were destroyed by fire. Four hundred thousand 
volumes were said to have been burned. The next 
month Caesar was called from Egypt to Pontus, 
where a son of Mithridates was in arms, and, after a 
campaign of five days, he gained a decisive victory at 
a place called Zela, boastfully announcing his success 
to the senate in three short words: " Vent, vidi, vici" 
(I came, I saw, I overcame). In September, Caesar 
was again in Rome, where he remained only three 
months, arranging affairs. There were fears lest he 
should make a proscription, but he proceeded to no 
such extremity, exercising his characteristic clemency 
towards those who had been opposed to him. A 
revolt occurred at this time among the soldiers at 
Capua, and they marched to Rome, but Caesar 
cowed them by a display of haughty coolness. 

The remnant of the adherents of Pompey gathered 
together and went to Africa, whither Caesar followed, 
and after a short campaign defeated them on the 
field of Thapsus, April 6, 46. They were command- 
ed by Scipio, father-in-law of Pompey, and by Cato, 
who had accepted the position after it had been 
declined by Cicero, his superior in rank. After the 
defeat of Thapsus Cato retreated to Utica, where he 
deliberately put an end to his life after occupying 
several hours in reading Plato's PJuedo, a dialogue 
on the immortality of the soul. From the place of 
his death he is known in history as Cato of Utica. 

When the news of this final victory reached Rome 


Caesar was appointed dictator for ten years, and a 
thanksgiving lasting forty days was decreed. He 
was also endowed with a newly created office — that 
of Overseer of Public Morals (Prcefcctus Morum). 
Temples and statues were dedicated to his honor ; a 
golden chair was assigned for his use when he sat in 
the senate ; the month Quintilis was renamed after 
him Julius (July) ; and other unheard of honors were 
thrust upon him by a servile senate. He was also 
called the Father of his Country (a title that had 
been before borne by Camilliis and Cicero), and four 
triumphs were celebrated for him. On his own part, 
Caesar feasted the people at twenty-two thousand 
tables, and caused combats of wild animals and gladi- 
ators to be celebrated in the arenas beneath awnings 
of the richest silks. 

The great conqueror now prepared to carry out 
schemes of a beneficent nature which would have 
been of great value to the world ; but their achieve- 
ment was interfered with, first by war and then by 
his own death. He intended to unify the regions 
controlled by the republic by abolishing offensive 
political distinctions, and to develop them by means 
of a geographical survey which would have occupied 
years to complete under the most competent man- 
agement ; and he wished to codify the Roman law, 
which had been growing up into a universal jurispru- 
dence, a work which Cicero looked upon as a hopeless 
though brilliant vision, and one that Justinian 
actually accomplished, though not until six hundred 
years later. He contemplated also the erection of 
vast public works. His knowledge of astronomy 


led him to accomplish one important change, for 
which we have reason to remember him to-day. 
He reformed the calendar, substituting the one used 
until 1582 (known from him as the Julian calendar) 
for that which was then current.* Three hundred 
and fifty-five days had been called a year from the 
time of Numa Pompilius, but as that number 
did not correspond with the actual time of the 
revolution of the earth around the sun, it had been 
customary to intercalate a month, every second year, 
of twenty-two and twenty-three days alternately, 
and one day had also been added to make a fortu- 
nate number. This made the adaptation of the 
nominal year to the actual a matter of great intri- 
cacy, the duty being intrusted to the chief pontiffs. 
These officers were often corrupted, and managed 
to effect political ends from time to time by the 
addition or omission of the intercalary days and 
months. At this time the civil calendar was some 
weeks in advance of the actual time, so that the 
consuls, for example, who should have entered office 
January 1, 46, really assumed their power October 
13, 47. The Julian calendar made the year to 
consist. of 365 days and six hours, which was correct 
within a few minutes ; but, by the time of Pope 
Gregory XIII., this had amounted to ten days, and a 
new reform was instituted. Caesar now added ninety 
days to the year in order to make the year 45 begin 

* The Gregorian calendar was introduced in the Catholic states of 
Europe in 1582, but owing to popular prejudice England did not begin 
to use it until 1752, in which year September 3d became, by act of 
Parliament, September 14th. Usage in America followed that of the 
mother country. 


at the proper time, inserting a new month between 
the 23d and 24th of February, and adding two new 
months after the end of November, so that the long 
year thus manufactured (445 days) was very justly 
called the "year of confusion, or " the last year of 

Caesar had also in mind plans of conquest. He 
had not forgotten that the Roman arms had been 
unsuccessful at Carrhae, and he wished to subdue the 
Parthians, but the ghost of Pompey would not down. 
His sons raised the banner of revolt in Spain, and 
the officers sent against them did not succeed in 
their efforts to assert the supremacy of Rome. It 
was necessary that Caesar himself should go there, 
and accordingly he set out in September. Twenty- 
seven days later he was on the ground, and though 
he found himself in the face of greater difficulties 
than he had anticipated, a few months sufficed to 
completely overthrow the enemy, who were defeated 
finally at the battle of Munda, not far from Gibraltar 
(March, 17, 45). Thirty thousand of them perished. 
Caesar did not return to Rome until September, be- 
cause affairs of the province required attention. 
Again he celebrated a triumph, marked by games 
and shows, and new honors from the senate. 

Caesar's ambition now made him wish to continue 
the supreme power in his family, and he fixed upon 
a great-nephew named Octavius as his successor. In 
the fifth year of his consulate (B.C. 44), on the feast 
of Lupercalia (Feb. 1 5th), he attempted to take a more 
important step. He prevailed upon Marc Antony 
to make him an offer of the kingly diadem, but as he 


immediately saw that it was not pleasing to the 
people that he should accept it, he pushed the 
glittering coronet from him, amid their plaudits, as 
though he would not think of assuming any sign of 
authority that the people did not freely offer him 
themselves.* Caesar still longed for the name of 
king, however, and became irritated because it was 
not given him. This was shown in his intercourse 
with the nobles, and they were now excited against 
him by one Caius Cassius Longinus (commonly 
called simply Cassius), who had wandered and fought 
with Crassus in Parthia, but had escaped from that 
disastrous campaign. He had been a follower of 
Pompey, and had fallen into Caesar's hands shortly 
after the battle of Pharsalia. Though he owed his 
life to Caesar, he was personally hostile to him, and 
his feelings were so strong that he formed a plot for 
his destruction, in which sixty or eighty persons were 
involved. Among these was Marcus Junius Brutus, 
then about forty years of age, who had also been 
with Pompey at Pharsalia. He was of illustrious 
pedigree, and claimed to be descended from the 
shadowy hero of his name, who is said to have pur- 

* " I saw Mark Antony offer him a crown ; yet ' t was not a crown 
neither, 't was one of these coronets ; and, as I told you, he put it by 
once ; but for all that, to my thinking, he would fain have had it. 
Then he offered it to him again ; then he put it by again ; but to my 
thinking, he was very loth to lay his fingers off it. And then he of- 
fered it the third time ; he put it the third time by, and still as he re- 
fused it, the rabblement shouted and clapped their chapped hands, 
and threw up their sweaty night-caps, and uttered such a deal of stink- 
ing breath because Caesar refused the crown, that it had almost choked 
Caesar ; for he swooned and fell down at it." Casca's account, in. 
Shakespeare's Julius Gxsar, act i., sc. 2. 


sued the Tarquins with such patriotic zeal. His life 
also had been spared by Caesar at Pharsalia, and he 
had made no opposition to his acts as dictator. Cato 
was his political model, and at about this time, he 
divorced his wife to marry Portia, Cato's daughter. 
Cassius had married Junia Tertulla, half-sister of 
Brutus, and now offered him the place of chief 
adviser of the conspirators, who determined upon a 
sudden and bold effort to assassinate the dictator. 
They intended to make it appear that patriotism 
gave them the reason for their act, but in this they 

The senate was to convene on the Ides of March, 
and Caesar was warned that danger awaited him; but 
he was not to be deterred, and entered the chamber 
amid the applause of the people. The conspirators 
crowded about him, keeping his friends at a distance, 
and at a concerted signal he was grasped by the 
hands and embraced by some, while others stabbed 
him with their fatal daggers. He fell at the base of 
the statue of Pompey, pierced with more than a 
score of wounds. It is said that when he noticed 
Brutus in the angry crowd, he exclaimed in surprise 
and sorrow : " Et tu Brute ! " ( And thou, too, 

Brutus had prepared a speech to deliver to the 
senate, but when he looked around, he found that 
senators, centurions, lictors, and attendants, all had 
fled, and the place was empty. He then marched 
with his accomplices to the forum. It was crowded 
with an excited multitude, but it was not a multi- 
tude of friends. The assassins saw that there was 


no safety for them in the city. Lepidus was at the 
gates with an army, and Antony had taken posses- 
sion of the papers and treasures of Caesar, which 
gave him additional power ; but all parties were in 
doubt as to the next steps, and a reconciliation was 
determined upon as giving time for reflection. Cas- 
sius went to sup with Antony, and Brutus with 
Lepidus. This shows plainly that the good of the 
republic was not the cause nearest the hearts of the 
principal actors ; but that each, like a wary player 
at chess, was only anxious lest some adversary 
should get an advantage over him. 

The senate was immediately convened, and under 
the direction of Cicero, who became its temporary 
leader, it was voted that the acts of Caesar, intended 
as well as performed, should be ratified, and that the 
conspirators should be pardoned, and assigned to the 
provinces that Caesar had designated them for. 

Antony now showed himself a consummate actor, 
and a master of the art of moving the multitude. 
He prepared for the obsequies of the dictator, at 
which he was to deliver the oration, and, while 
pretending to endeavor to hold back the people 
from violence against the murderers, managed to 
excite them to such an extent that nothing could 
restrain them. He brought the body into the 
Campus Martius for the occasion, and there in its 
presence displayed the bloody garment through 
which the daggers of the conspirators had been 
thrust ; identified the rents made by the leader, 
Cassius, the " envious Casca," the " well-beloved 
Brutus," and the others ; and displayed a waxen 


effigy that he had prepared for the occasion, bearing 
all the wounds. He called upon the crowd the 
while, as it swayed to and fro in its threatening vio- 
lence, to listen to reason, but at the same time told 
them that if he possessed the eloquence of a Brutus 
he would ruffle up their spirits and put a tongue in 
every wound of Caesar that would move the very 
stones of Rome to rise in mutiny. He said that if 
the people could but hear the last will of the dicta- 
tor, they would dip their kerchiefs in his blood — 
yea, beg a hair of him for memory, and, dying, 
mention it in their wills as a rich legacy to their 

The oration had its natural effect. The people, 
stirred from one degree of frenzy to another, piled 
up chairs, benches, tables, brushwood, even orna- 
ments and costly garments for a funeral pile, and 
burned the whole in the forum. Unable to restrain 
themselves, they rushed with brands from the fire 
towards the homes of the conspirators to wreak 
vengeance upon them. Brutus and Cassius had fled 
from the city, and the others could not be found, so 
that the fury of their hate died out for want of new 
fuel upon which to feed. 

Antony was now the chief man of Rome, and it 
was expected that he would demand the dictator- 
ship. To the astonishment of all, he proposed that 
the office itself should be forever abolished, thus 
keeping up his pretence of moderation ; but, on the 
other hand, he asked for a body-guard, which the 
senate granted, and he surrounded himself with a 
force of six thousand men. He appointed magis- 


trates as he wished, recalled exiles, and freed any 
from prison whom he desired, under pretence of 
following the will of Caesar. 

It soon became apparent that, in the words of 
Cicero addressed to Cassius, the state seemed to 
have been " emancipated from the king, but not 
from the kingly power," for no one could tell where 
Antony would stop his pretence of carrying out the 
plans of Caesar. The republic was doubtless soon to 
end, and it was not plain what new misery was in store 
for the distracted people. 


nJI.VT «^p 

■ '^^lBw^BBwr* 1 *'8ttaH 








When Caesar had planned to go to Parthia, he 
sent in that direction some of his legions, which 
wintered at Apollonia, just over the Adriatic, oppo- 
site Brundusium, and with them went the young and 
sickly nephew whom Caesar had mentioned in his 
will as his heir. While the young man was engaged 
in familiarizing himself with the soldiers and their 
life, a freedman arrived in camp to announce from 
his mother the tragedy of the Ides of March. The 
soldiers offered to go with him to avenge his uncle's 
death, but he decided to set out at once and alone 
for the capital. At Brundusium he was received by 
the army with acclamations. He did not hesitate to 
assume the name Caesar, and to claim the succession, 
though he thus bound himself to pay the legacies 
that Caesar had made to the people. He was known 
as Caius Julius Caesar Octavianus, or, briefly, as 
Octavius.* Caesar had bequeathed his magnificent 

* Octavius was son of Caius Octavius and Atia, daughter of Julia, 
sister of Julius Caesar, and was born Sept. 23, B.C. 63. His true name 
was the same as that of his father, but he is usually mentioned in his- 
tory as Augustus, an untranslatable title that he assumed when he be- 
came emperor. His descent was traced from Atys, son of Alba, an 
old Latin hero. 


gardens on the opposite side of the Tiber to the 
public as a park, and to every citizen in Rome a gift 
of three hundred sesterces, equal to ten or fifteen 
dollars. These provisions could not easily be carried 
out except by Antony, who had taken possession of 
Caesar's moneys, and who was at the moment the 
most powerful man in the republic. Next to him 
stood Lepidus, who was in command of the army. 
These two seemed to stand between Octavius and 
his heritage. 

Octavius understood the value of money, and 
took possession of the public funds at Brundusium, 
captured such remittances from the provinces as he 
could reach, and sent off to Asia to see how much he 
could secure of the amount provided for the Parthian 
expedition, just as though all this had been his own 
personal property. 

Thus the timid but ambitious youth began to 
prepare himself for supreme authority. When he 
reached Rome his mother and other friends warned 
him of the risks involved in his course, but he was 
resolute. He had made the acquaintance at Apol- 
lonia of Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa, then twenty 
years of age, who afterwards became a skilful warrior 
and always was a valuable adviser, and now he 
determined to make a friend of Cicero. This re- 
markable orator had already been intimate with all 
the prominent men of his day ; had at one time or 
another flattered or cajoled Curio, Cassius, Crassus, 
Pompey, Antony, and Caesar, and now, after thor- 
roughly canvassing the probabilities, he decided to 
take the side of Octavius, though he was loth to 


break with either Brutus or Antony. His weakness 
is plainly and painfully presented by his own hand 
in his interesting letters, which add much light to the 
story of this period. * 

Octavius gathered together enough money to pay 
the legacies of Caesar by sales of property, and by 
loans, in spite of the fact that Antony refused to 
give up any that he had taken. He artfully won the 
soldiers and the people by his liberality (that could 
not fail to be contrasted with the grasping action of 
Antony), and by the shows with which he amused 
them. Thus with it all he managed to make the 
world believe that he was not laying plans of am- 
bition, but simply wished to protect the state 
from the selfish designs of his rival. In this effort 
he was supported by the oratory of Cicero, who 
began to compose and deliver or publish a remarkable 
series of fourteen speeches known as Philippics, from 
their resemblance to the four acrimonious invectives 
against Philip of Macedon which the great Demos- 
thenes launched at Athens during the eleven years in 
which he strove to arouse the weakened Greeks 
from inactivity and pusillanimity (352-342 B.C.). 

* James Anthony Froude says : ' ' In Cicero, Nature half-made a great 
man and left him uncompleted. Our characters are written in our forms, 
and the bust of Cicero is the key to his history. The brow is broad 
and strong, the nose large, the lips tightly compressed, the features 
lean and keen from restless intellectual energy. The loose, bending 
figure, the neck too weak for the weight of the head, explain the in- 
firmity of will, the passion, the cunning, the vanity, the absence of 
manliness and veracity. He was born into an age of violence with 
which he was too feeble to contend. The gratitude of mankind for 
his literary excellence will forever preserve his memory from too harsh 
a judgment." — " Caesar, a Sketch," chapter xxvii. 


Cicero entered Rome on the first of September, 
and delivered his first Philippic the next day, in the 
same Temple of Concord in which he had denounced 
Catiline twenty years before. He then retired from 
the city, and did not hear the abusive tirade with 
which Antony attempted to blacken his reputation. 
In October he prepared a second speech, which was 
not delivered, but was given to the public in Novem- 
ber. This is the most elaborate and the best of the 
Philippics, and it is also much more fierce than the 
former. The last of the series was delivered April 
22, 43. Antony was soon declared a public enemy, 
and Cicero in his speeches constantly urged a vigor- 
ous prosecution of the war against him. 

Octavius gained the confidence of the army, and 
then demanded the consulate of the senate. When 
that powerful office had been obtained, he broke 
with the senate, and marched to the northward, 
ostensibly to conquer Antony and Lepidus, who were 
coming down with another great army. Instead of 
precipitating a battle, Lepidus contrived to have a 
meeting on a small island in a tributary of the Po, 
not far from the present site of Bologna, and there, 
toward the end of October, it was agreed that the 
government of the Roman wond should be peace- 
ably divided between the three captains, who were 
to be called Triumvirs for the settlement of the 
affairs of the republic. They were to retain their 
offices until the end of December, 38, Lepidus ruling 
Spain ; Octavius, Sicily, Sardinia, and Africa ; and 
Antony, the two Gauls ; while Italy was to be gov- 
erned by the three in common, their authority being 



paramount to senate, consuls, and laws. This is 
known as the Second Triumvirate, though we must 
remember that the former arrangement, made by 


Csesar, Pompey, and Crassus, was simply a private 
league without formal sanction of law. The second 
triumvirate was proclaimed November, 27, 43 B.C. 
The first work of the three rulers was to rid them- 


selves of all whom they feared as enemies, and we 
have to imagine them sitting down to make out a 
list of those who, like the sufferers at the dreadful 
time of Marius and Sulla, were proscribed. Among 
the prominent men seventeen were first chosen to 
be butchered, and on the horrid list are found the 
names of a cousin of Octavius, a brother of Lepidus, 
and an uncle of Antony. To the lasting execration 
of Octavius, he consented that Cicero, who had so 
valiantly fought for him, should be sacrificed to the 
vengeance of Antony, whom the orator had scarified 
with his burning words. 

This was but the beginning of blood-shedding, for 
when the triumvirs reached Rome they issued list 
after list of the doomed, some names being appar- 
ently included at the request of daughters, wives, 
and friends to gratify private malice. The head and 
hands of Cicero were cut off and sent to be affixed 
to the rostra, where they had so often been seen 
during his life. It is said that on one occasion 
a head was presented to Antony, and he exclaimed: 
" I do not recognize it, show it to my wife " ; and 
that on another, when a man begged a few moments 
of respite that he might send his son to intercede 
with Antony, he was told that it was that son who 
had demanded his death. The details are too hor- 
rible for record, and yet it is said that the massacre 
was not so general as in the former instance. In 
this reign of terror, three hundred senators died, and 
two thousand knights. 

While these events had occurred in Rome, Brutus 
and Cassius had been successfully pursuing their 


conquests in Syria and Greece, and were now masters 
of the eastern portion of the Roman world. When 
they heard of the triumvirate and the proscription, 
they determined to march into Europe ; but Antony 
and Octavius were before them, and the opposed 
forces met on the field of Philippi, which lies nine 
miles from the ^Egean Sea, on the road between 
Europe and Asia, the Via Egnatia, which ran then 
as now from Dyrrachium and Apollonia in Illyricum, 
by way of Thessalonica to Constantinople, or By- 
zantium, as it was then called. Brutus engaged the 
forces of Octavius, and Cassius those of Antony. 
Antony made head against his opponent ; but Octa- 
vius, who was less of a commander, and fell into a 
fit of illness on the beginning of the battle, gave 
way before Brutus, though in consequence of misin- 
formation of the progress of the struggle, Cassius 
killed himself just before a messenger arrived to tell 
him of his associate's success. Twenty days after- 
wards the struggle was renewed on the same ground, 
and Brutus was defeated, upon which he likewise put 
an end to his own life. If the murderers of Caesar 
had fought for the republic, there was no hope for 
that cause now. The three rulers were reduced to 
two, for Lepidus was ignored after the victory of his 
associates, and it only remained to eliminate the 
second member of the triumvirate to establish the 
monarchy. For the present, Octavius and Antony 
divided the government between them, Antony 
taking the luxurious East, and leaving to Octavius 
the invidious task of governing Italy and allotting 
lands to the veterans. 


Thousands of the inhabitants of Cisalpine Gaul 
were expelled from their homes to supply the sol- 
diers with farms, but still they remained unsatisfied, 
and Italy was filled with complaints which Octavius 
was unable to allay. Antony, on the other hand, 
gave himself up to the grossest dissipation, careless 
of consequences. At Tarsus, he had an interview 
with Cleopatra, then twenty-eight years of age, 
whom he had seen years before when he had accom- 
panied Gabinius to Alexandria, and later, when she 
had lived at Rome the favorite of Csesar. Hence- 
forth he was her willing slave. She sailed up the 
river Cydnus in a vessel propelled by silver oars that 
moved in unison with luxurious music, and filled the 
air with fragrance as she went, while beautiful slaves 
held the rudder and the ropes. The careless and 
pleasure-loving warrior forgot every thing in his wild 
passion for the Egyptian queen. He forgot his wife, 
Fulvia, but she was angry with Octavius because he 
had renounced his wife Claudia, her daughter, and 
stirred up a threatening revolt against him, which she 
fondly hoped might also serve to recall Antony from 
the fascinations of Cleopatra. With her supporters 
she raised a considerable army, by taking the part of 
the Italians who had been dispossessed to give farms 
to the veterans, and by pretending also to favor the 
soldiers, to whom rich spoils from Asia were promised. 
They were, however, pushed from place to place until 
they found themselves shut up in the town of Perusia, 
in Etruria, where they were besieged and forced to 
surrender, by the military skill of Agrippa, afterwards 
known as one of the ablest generals of antiquity. 



Meantime, Antony's fortunes in the East were 
failing, and he determined upon a brave effort to 
overthrow Octavius. He sailed for Brundusium, and 
laid siege to it; but the soldiers on both sides longed 
for peace. Fulvia had died, and mutual friends pre- 
vailed upon Octavius and Antony to make peace 
and portion out the world anew. Again the East 
fell to Antony and the West to his colleague. 


Antony married Octavia, sister of Octavius, and both 
repaired to the capital, where they celebrated games 
and festivities in honor of the marriage and the 
reconciliation. This was at the end of the year 
40 B.C. 

The next year peace was effected with Sextus, a 
son of the great Pompey, who had been proscribed 
as one of the murderers of Caesar, though he had 
really had no share in that deed. He had been en 


gaged in marauding expeditions having for their 
purpose the injury of the triumvirs, and at this time 
had been able to cut off a considerable share of the 
supply of grain from Sicily and Africa. He was in- 
demnified for the loss of his private property and 
was given an important command for five years. 
This agreement was never consummated, for Antony 
had not been consulted and refused to carry out a 
portion of it that depended upon him. Again Pom- 
pey entered upon his marauding expeditions, and the 
price of grain rose rapidly at Rome. Two years were 
occupied in preparing a fleet, which was placed under 
command of Agrippa, who defeated Pompey off Naulo- 
chus, on the northwestern coast of Sicily (Sept. 3, 36.) 
In the midst of the preparations for the war with 
Pompey, (B.C. 37) discord had arisen between Antony 
and Octavius, and the commander of the Eastern 
army set out for Italy with a fleet of three hundred 
sail. Octavius forbade his landing, and he kept on 
his course to Tarentum, where a conference was held. 
There were present on this memorable occasion, 
besides the two triumvirs, Agrippa, the great gen- 
eral ; Octavia, sister of one triumvir and wife of the 
other, one of the noblest women of antiquity ; and 
Caius Cilnius Maecenas, a wealthy patron of letters, 
who had also been present when the negotiations 
were made previous to the peace of Brundusium, three 
years before. Probably the satiric poet Horace was 
also one of the group, for he gives, in one of his 
satires, an account of a journey from Rome to Brun- 
dusium, which he is supposed to have made at the 
time that Maecenas was hurrying to the conference. 


Horace says that he set out from Rome accompa- 
nied by Heliodorus, a rhetorician whom he calls by 
far the most learned of the Greeks, and that they 
found a middling inn at Aricia, the first stopping- 
place, on the Appian Way, sixteen miles out, at the 
foot of the Alban mount. 

Next they rested, or rather tried to rest, at Appii 
Forum, a place stuffed with sailors, and then took a 
boat on the canal for Tarracina. He gives a vivid 
picture of the confusion of such a place, where the 
watermen and the slaves of the travellers were 
mutually liberal in their abuse of each other, and the 
gnats and frogs drove off sleep-. Drunken passen- 
gers, also, added to the din by the songs that their 
potations incited them to. At Feronia the passen- 
gers left the boat, washed their faces and hands, and 
crawled onward three miles up to the heights of 
Anxur, where Maecenas and others joined the party. 
Slowly they made their way past Fundi, and 
Formise, where they seem to have been well enter- 
tained. The next day they were rejoiced by the 
addition of the poet Virgil and several more friends 
to the party, and pleasantly they jogged onwards 
until their mules deposited their pack-saddles at 
Capua, where Maecenas was soon engaged in a game 
of tennis, while Horace and Virgil sought repose. 
The next stop was not far from the celebrated 
Caudine Forks, at a friend's villa, where they were 
very hospitably entertained, and supplied with a 
bountiful supper, at which buffoons performed some 
droll raillery. Thence they went directly to Bene- 
ventum, where the bustling landlord almost burned 


himself and those he entertained in cooking their 
dainty dinner, the kitchen fire falling through the 
floor and spreading the flames towards the highest 
part of the roof. It was a ludicrous moment, for 
the hungry guests and frightened slaves hardly knew 
whether to snatch their supper from the flames or to 
try to extinguish the fire. 

From Beneventum the travellers rode on in sight 
of the Apuleian mountains to the village of Trivicum, 
where the poet gives us a glimpse of the customs of 
the times when he tells us that tears were brought 
to their eyes by the green boughs with the leaves 
upon them with which a fire was made on the hearth. 
Hence for twenty-four miles the party was bowled 
away in chaises to a little town that the poet does 
not name, where water was sold, the worst in the 
world, he thought it, but where the bread was very 
fine. Through Canusium they went to Rubi, reach- 
ing that place fatigued because they had made a 
long journey and had been troubled by rains. Two 
days more took them through Barium and Egnatia 
to Brundusium, where the journey ended. 

At this conference it was agreed that the triumvi- 
rate should continue five years longer, Antony agree- 
ing to assist Octavius with 120 ships against Pompey, 
and Octavius contributing a large land force to help 
Antony against the Parthians. After Pompey had 
been overcome, Lepidus claimed Sicily, but Octavius 
seduced his soldiers from him, and obliged him to 
throw himself upon his rival's mercy. He was per- 
mitted to retire into private life, but was allowed to 
enjoy his property and dignities. He lived in the 


ease that he loved until 13 B.C., first at Circeii, not 
far from Tarracina, and afterwards at Rome, where 
he was deprived of honors and rank. Lepidus had 
not been a strong member of the triumvirate for a 
long time, but after this he was not allowed to inter- 
fere even nominally in affairs of government. An- 
tony and Octavius were now to wrestle for the 
supremacy, and the victor was to be autocrat. 

For three years after his marriage with Octavia, 
Antony seems to have been able to conquer the 
fascinations of the Egyptian queen, but then, when 
he was preparing to advance into Parthia, he allowed 
himself to fall again into her power, and the chances 
that he could hold his own against Octavius were 
lessened (b. C. 37). He advanced into Syria, but 
called Cleopatra to him there, and delayed his march 
to remain with her, overwhelming her with honors. 
When at last he did open the campaign, he encoun- 
tered disaster, and, hardly escaping the fate of 
Crassus, retreated to Alexandria, where he gave 
himself up entirely to his enchantress. He laid 
aside the dress and manners of a Roman, and ap- 
peared as an Eastern monarch, vainly promising 
Cleopatra that he would conquer Octavius and make 
Alexandria the capital of the world. The rumors 
of the mad acts of Antony were carried to Rome, 
where Octavius was growing in popularity, and it 
was inevitable that a contrast should be made be- 
tween the two men. Octavius easily made the people 
believe that they had every thing to fear from An- 
tony. The nobles who sided with Antony urged 
him to dismiss Cleopatra, and enter upon a contest 


with his rival untrammelled ; but, on the contrary, in 
his infatuation he divorced Octavia. 

War was declared against Cleopatra, for Antony 
was ignored, and Octavius as consul was directed to 
push it. Maecenas was placed in command at Rome, 
Agrippa took the fleet, and the consul himself the 
land forces. The decisive struggle took place off 
the west coast of Greece, north of the islands of 
Samos and Leucas, near the promontory of Actium, 
which gained its celebrity from this battle (Septem- 
ber 2, B.C. 31). The ships of Agrippa were small, 
and those of Antony large, but difficult of manage- 
ment, and Cleopatra soon became alarmed for her 
safety, She attempted to flee, and Antony sailed 
after her, leaving those who were fighting for them. 
Agrippa obtained a decisive victory, and Octavius 
likewise overcame the forces on land. 

Agrippa was sent back to Rome, and for a year 
Octavius busied himself in Greece and Asia Minor, 
adding to his popularity by his mildness in the treat- 
ment of the conquered. He had intended to pass 
the winter at Samos, but troubles among the veter- 
ans called him to Italy, where he calmed the rising 
storm, and returned again to his contest, after an 
absence of only twenty-seven days. 

Both Cleopatra and Antony sent messengers to 
solicit the favor of Octavius, but he was cold and 
did not satisfy them, and calmly pushed his plans. 
An effort was made by Cleopatra to flee to some 
distant Arabian resort, but it failed : Antony made 
a show of resistance, but found that his forces were 
not to be trusted, and both then put an end to their 







lives, leaving Octavius master of Egypt, as he was of 
the rest of the world. He did not hasten back to 
Rome, where he knew that Maecenas and Agrippa 
were faithfully attending to his interests, but occu- 
pied himself another year away from the capital in 
regulating the affairs of his new province. 

In the summer of the year 29, however, Octavius 
left Samos, where he had spent the winter in rest, 
and entered Rome amid the acclamations of the 
populace, celebrating triumphs for the conquest of 
Dalmatia, of Actium, and of Egypt, and distributing 
the gold he had won with such prodigality that 
interest on loans was reduced two thirds and the 
price of lands doubled. Each soldier received a 
thousand sesterces (about $40), each citizen four 
hundred, and a certain sum was given to the children, 
the whole amounting to some forty million dollars. 

Octavius marked the end of the old era by him- 
self closing the gates of the temple of Janus for the 
third time in the history of Rome, and by declaring 
that he had burned all the papers of Antony. Sev- 
eral months later, by suppressing all the laws of the 
triumvirate he emphasized still more the fact which 
he wished the people to understand, that he had 
broken with the past. 

The Roman Republic was ended. The Empire 
was not established in name, but the government 
was in reality absolute. The chief ruler united in 
himself all the great offices of the state, but concealed 
his strength and power, professing himself the minis- 
ter of the senate, to which, however, he dictated the 
decrees that he ostentatiously obeyed. 



We have now traced the career of the people of 
Rome from the time when they were the plain and 
rustic subjects of a king, through their long history 
as a conquering republic, down to the period when 
they lost the control of government and fell into the 
hands of a ruler more autocratic than their earlier 
tyrants. The heroic age of the republic had now 
long since passed away, and with it had gone even 
the admiration of those personal qualities which had 
lain at the foundation of the national greatness. 

History at its best is to such an extent made up 
of stories of the doings of rulers and fighting-men, 
who happen by their mere strength and physical 
force to have made themselves prominent, that it is 
often read without conveying any actual familiarity 
with the people it is ostensibly engaged with. The 
soldiers and magistrates of whom we have ourselves 
been reading were but few, and we may well ask 
what the millions of other citizens were doing all 
these ages. How did they live ? What were their 
joys and griefs ? We have, it is true, not failed to 
get an occasional glimpse of the intimate life of the 


people who were governed, as we have seen a Vir- 
ginia passing through the forum to her school, and a 
Lucretia spinning among her maidens, and we have 
learned that in the earliest times the workers were 
honored so much that they were formed into guilds, 
and had a very high position among the centuries 
(see pages 31 and 50), but these were only sugges- 
tions that make us all the more desirous to know 

Rome had not become a really magnificent city, 
even after, seven hundred years of existence. We 
know that it was a mere collection of huts in the 
time of Romulus, and that after the burning of the 
principal edifices by the Gauls, it was rebuilt in a 
hurried and careless manner, the houses being low 
and mean, the streets narrow and crooked, so that 
when the population had increased to hundreds of 
thousands the crowds found it difficult to make their 
way along the thoroughfares, and vehicles with 
wheels were not able to get about at all, except in 
two of the streets. The streets were paved, it is 
true, and there were roads and aqueducts so well 
built and firm that they claim our admiration even 
in their ruins. 

The Roman house at first was extremely simple, 
being of but one room called the atrium, or darkened 
chamber, because its walls were stained by the smoke 
that rose from the fire upon the hearth and with 
difficulty found its way through a hole in the roof. 
The aperture also admitted light and rain, the water 
that dripped from the roof being caught in a cistern 
that was formed in the middle of the room. The 


atrium was entered by way of a vestibule open to 
the sky, in which the gentleman of the house put on 
his toga as he went out.* Double doors admitted 
the visitor to the entrance-hall or ostium. There 
was a threshold, upon which it was unlucky to place 
the left foot ; a knocker afforded means of announ- 
cing one's approach, and a porter, who had a small 
room at the side, opened the door, showing the caller 
the words Cave cancm (beware of the dog), or Salve 
(welcome), or perchance the dog himself reached out 
toward the visitor as far as his chain would allow. 
Sometimes, too, there would be noticed in the mosaic 
of the pavement the representation of the faithful 
domestic animal which has so long been the com- 
panion as well as the protector of his human friend. 
Perhaps myrtle or laurel might be seen on a door, 
indicating that a marriage was in process of celebra- 
tion, or a chaplet announcing the happy birth of an 
heir. Cypress, probably set in pots in the vestibule, 
indicated a death, as a crape festoon does upon our 
own door-handles, while torches, lamps, wreaths, 
garlands, branches of trees, showed that there was 
joy from some cause in the house. 

In the " black room" the bed stood; there the 
meals were cooked and eaten, there the goodman 
received his friends, and there the goodwife sat in 
the midst of her maidens spinning. The original 
house grew larger in the course of time : wings were 
built on the sides, — and the Romans called them 
wings as well as we (a/a } a wing). Beyond the 

* When Cincinnatus went out to work in the field, he left his toga 
at home, wearing his tunic only, and was " naked " (nudus), as the 
Romans said. The custom illustrates Matt, xxiv., iS. (See p. S6.) 


black room a recess was built in which the family- 
records and archives were preserved, but with it for 
a long period the Roman house stopped its growth. 

Before the empire came, however, there had been 
great progress in making the dwelling convenient as 
well as luxurious. Another hall had been built out 
from the room of archives, leading to an open court, 
surrounded by columns, known as the peristylum {peri 
about, stidos, a pillar), which was sometimes of great 
magnificence. Bedchambers were made separate 
from the atrium, but they were small, and would 
not seem very convenient to modern eyes. 

The dining-room, called the triclinium (Greek, 
Mine, a bed) from its three couches, was a very im- 
portant apartment. In it were three lounges sur- 
rounding a table, on each of which three guests 
might be accommodated. The couches were ele- 
vated above the table, and each man lay almost 
flat on his breast, resting on his left elbow, and 
having his right hand free to use, thus putting the 
head of one near the breast of the man behind him, 
and making natural the expression that he lay in the 
bosom of the other.* As the guests were thus 
arranged by threes, it was natural that the rule 
should have been made that a party at dinner 
should not be less in number than the Graces nor 
more than the Muses, though it has remained a use- 
ful one ever since. 

Spacious saloons or parlors vvere added to the 
houses, some of which were surrounded with gal- 

* In the earliest times the Romans sat at table on benches. The 
habit of reclining was introduced from Greece, but Roman women 
sat at table long after the men had fallen into the new way. 


leries and highly adorned. In these the dining- 
tables were spread on occasions of more ceremony 
than usual. After the capture of Syracuse, and the 
increase of familiarity with foreign art, picture-rooms 
were built in private dwellings; and after the second 
Punic war, book-rooms became in some sort a neces- 
sity. Before the republic came to an end, it was so fash- 
ionable to have a book-room that ignorant persons 
who might not be able to read even the titles of their 
own books endeavored to give themselves the appear- 
ance of erudition by building book-rooms in their 
houses and furnishing them with elegance. The books 
were in cases arranged around the walls in convenient 
manner, and busts and statues of the Muses, of 
Minerva, and of men of note were used then as they 
are now for ornaments.* House-philosophers were 
often employed to open to the uninstructed the 
stores of wisdom contained in the libraries. 

As wealth and luxury increased, the Romans 
added the bath-room to their other apartments. 
In the early ages they had bathed for comfort and 
cleanliness once a week, but the warm bath was ap- 
parently unknown to them. In time this became 
very common, and in the days of Cicero there were 
hot and cold baths, both public and private, which 
were well patronized. Some were heated by fires in 
flues, directly under the floors, which produced a 
vapor bath. The bath was, however, considered a 

* The books were rolls of the rind (liber) of the Egyptian papyrus, 
which early became an article of commerce, or of parchment, written 
on but one side and stained of a saffron color on the other. Slaves 
were employed to make copies of books that were much in demand, 
and booksellers bought and sold them. 


luxury, and at a later date it was held a capital 
offence to indulge in one on a religious holiday, and 
the public baths were closed when any misfortune 
happened to the republic. 

Comfort and convenience united to take the cook- 
ing out of the atrium (which then became a recep- 
tion-room) into a separate apartment known as the 
culina, or kitchen, in which was a raised platform on 
which coals might be burned and the processes of 
broiling, boiling, and roasting might be carried on 
in a primitive manner, much like the arrangement 
still to be seen at Rome. On the tops of the houses, 
after a while, terraces were planned for the purpose 
of basking in the sun, and sometimes they were 
furnished with shrubs, fruit-trees, and even fish- 
ponds. Often there were upwards of fifty rooms in 
a house on a single floor ; but in the course of time 
land became so valuable that other stones were 
added, and many lived in flats. A flat was some- 
times called an insula, which meant, properly, a 
house not joined to another, and afterwards was 
applied to hired lodgings. Domus, a house, meant 
a dwelling occupied by one family, whether it were 
an insula or not. 

The floors of these rooms were sometimes, but not 
often, laid with boards, and generally were formed 
of stone, tiles, bricks, or some sort of cement. In 
the richer dwellings they were often inlaid with 
mosaics of elegant patterns. The walls were often 
faced with marble, but they were usually adorned 
with paintings ; the ceilings were left uncovered, the 
beams supporting the floor or the roof above being 


visible, though it was frequently arched over. The 
means of lighting, either by day or night, were de- 
fective. The atrium was, as we have seen, lighted 
from above, and the same was true of other apart- 
ments — those at the side being illuminated from the 
larger ones in the middle of the house. There were 
windows, however, in the upper stories, though they 
were not protected by glass, but covered with shut- 
ters or lattice-work, and, at a later period, were 
glazed with sheets of mica. Smoking lamps, hang- 
ing from the ceiling or supported by candelabra, or 
candles, gave a gloomy light by night in the houses, 
and torches without. 

The sun was chiefly depended upon for heat, for 
there were no proper stoves, though braziers were 
used to burn coals upon, the smoke escaping through 
the aperture in the ceiling, and, in rare cases, hot- 
air furnaces were constructed below, the heat beinp* 
conveyed to the upper rooms through pipes. There 
has been a dispute regarding chimneys, but it seems 
almost certain that the Romans had none in their 
dwellings, and, indeed, there was little need of them 
for purposes of artificial warmth in so moderate a 
climate as theirs. 

Such were some of the chief traits of the city 
houses of the Romans. .Besides these, there were 
villas in the country, some of which were simply 
farm-houses, and others places of rest and luxury 
supported by the residents of cities. The farm 
villa was placed, if possible, in a spot secluded 
from visitors, protected from the severest winds, and 
from the malaria of marshes, in a well-watered place 


near the foot of a well-wooded mountain. It had 
accommodations for the kitchen, the wine-press, the 
farm-superintendent, the slaves, the animals, the 
crops, and the other products of the farm. There 
were baths, and cellars for the wine and for the con- 
finement of the slaves who might have to be 

Varro thus describes life at a rural household: 
" Manius summons his people to rise with the sun, 
and in person conducts them to the scene of their 
daily work. The youths make their own bed, which 
labor renders soft to them, and supply themselves 
with water-pot and lamp. Their drink is the clear 
fresh spring; their fare, bread, with onions as a 
relish. Every thing prospers in house and field. 
The house is no work of art, but an architect might 
learn symmetry from it. Care is taken of the field 
that it shall not be left disorderly, and waste or go 
to ruin through slovenliness or neglect ; and, in re- 
turn, grateful Ceres wards off damage from the prod- 
uce, that the high-piled sheaves may gladden the 
heart of the husbandman. Here hospitality still 
holds good ; every one who has but imbibed mother's 
milk is welcome. The bread-pantry, the wine-vat, 
and the store of sausages on the rafter, — lock and 
key are at the service of the traveller, and piles of 
food are set before him ; contented, the sated guest 
sits, looking neither before him nor behind, dozing 
by the hearth in the kitchen. The warmest double- 
wool sheepskin is spread as a couch for him. Here 
people still, as good burgesses, obey the righteous 
law which neither out of envy injures the innocent, 


nor out of favor pardons the guilty. Here they 
speak no evil against their neighbors. Here they 
trespass not with their feet on the sacred hearth, but 
honor the gods with devotion and with sacrifices; 
throw to the familiar spirit his little bit of flesh into 
his appointed little dish, and when the master of the 
household dies accompany the bier with the same 
prayer with which those of his father and of his 
grandfather were borne forth." 

The pleasure villa had many of the appointments of 
the town house, but was outwardly more attractive, 
of course. It stood in the midst of grassy slopes, 
was approached through avenues of trees leading to 
the portico, before which was a terrace and orna- 
ments made of box-trees cut into fantastic forms rep- 
resenting animals. The dining-room stood out from 
the other buildings, and was light and airy. Perhaps 
a grand bedchamber was likewise built out from the 
others, so that it might have the warmth of the sun 
upon it through the entire day. Connected with the 
establishment were walks ornamented with flower- 
beds, closely clipped hedges, and trees tortured into 
all sorts of unnatural shapes. There were shaded 
avenues for gentle exercise afoot or in litters ; there 
were fountains, and perhaps a hippodrome formed 
like a circus, with paths divided by hedges and sur- 
rounded by large trees in which the luxurious owner 
and his guests might run or exercise themselves in 
the saddle.* 

* Roman extravagance ran riot in the appointments of the villa. 
One is mentioned that sold for some $200,000, chiefly because it com- 
prised a desirable fish-pond. A late writer says of the site of Pompey's 
villa on a slope of the Alban hills : " It has never ceased in all the in- 


In such houses the Roman family lived, composed 
as families must be, of parents and children, to which 
were usually added servants, for after the earlier times 
of simplicity had passed away it became so fashionable 
to keep slaves to perform all the different domestic 
labors, that one could hardly claim to be respectable 
unless he had at least ten in his household. The 
first question asked regarding a stranger was : " How 
many slaves does he keep?" and upon its answer de- 
pended the social position the person would have in 
the inquirer's estimation. The son did not pass from 
his father's control while that parent lived, but the 
daughter might do so by marriage. The power of 
the father over his children and grandchildren, as 
well as over his slaves was very great, and the family 
spirit was exceedingly strong. 

When a man and a woman had agreed to marry, 
and the parents and friends had given their- consent, 
there was sometimes a formal meeting at the maid- 
en's house, at which the marriage-agreement was 
written out on tablets and signed by the engaged 
persons. It seems, too, that in some cases the man 
placed a ring on the hand of his betrothed. It was no 
slight affair to choose the wedding-day, for no day 

tervening ages to be a sort of park, and very fine ruins, from out 
of whose massive arches grow a whole avenue of live oaks, attest to the 
magnificence which must once have characterized the place. The still 
beautiful grounds stretch along the shore of the lake as far as the gate 
of the town of Albano. . . „ The house in Rome I occupy, 
stands in the old villa of Maecenas, an immense tract of land compris- 
ing space enough to contain a good-sized city. . . . Where did 
the Plebs live? and what air did they and their children breathe? 
Who cared or knew, so long as Pompey or Caesar fared sumptuously ? 
What marvel that there were revolutions ' " 


that was marked ater on the calendar would be con- 
sidered fit for the purpose of the rites that were 
to accompany the ceremony. The calends (the first 
day of the month), the nones (the fifth or seventh), 
and the ides (the thirteenth or fifteenth), would not 
do, nor would any day in May or February, nor 
many of the festivals. 

In early times, the bride dressed herself in a long 
white robe, adorned with ribbons, and a purple fringe, 
and bound herself with a girdle on her wedding day. 
She put on a bright yellow veil and shoes of the 
same color, and submitted to the solemn religious 
rites that were to make her a wife. The pair walked 
around the altar hand in hand, received the congratu- 
lations of their friends, and the bride, taken with ap- 
parent force from the arms of her mother, as the 
Sabine women were taken in the days of Romulus, 
was conducted to her new home carrying a distaff 
and a spindle, emblems of the industry that was 
thought necessary in the household work that she 
was to perform or direct. Strong men lifted her over 
the threshold, lest her foot should trip upon it, and 
her husband saluted her with fire and water, symbolic 
of welcome, after which he presented her the keys. A 
feast was then given to the entire train of friends and 
relatives, and probably the song was sung of which 
Talasia was the refrain.* Sometimes the husband 
gave another entertainment the next day, and there 
were other religious rites after which the new wife took 
her proud position as mater-familias, sharing the hon- 
ors of her husband, and presiding over the household. 

* See page 22. 


The wives and daughters made the cloth and the 
dresses of the household, in which they had ample 
occupation, but their labors did not end there.* The 
grinding of grain and the cooking was done by the 
servants, but the wife had to superintend all the 
domestic operations, among which was included the 
care of the children, though old Cato thought it was 
necessary for him to look after the washing and 
swaddling of his children in person, and to teach 
them what he thought they ought to know. The 
position of the woman was entirely subordinate to 
the husband, though in the house she was mistress. 
She belonged to the household and not to the 
community, and was to be called to account for her 
doings by her father, her husband, or her near male 
relatives, not by her political ruler. She could 
acquire property and inherit money the same as a 
man could, however. When the pure and noble 
period of Roman history had passed, women 
became as corrupt as the rest of the community. 
The watering-places were scenes of unblushing 
wickedness; women of quality, but not of charac- 
ter, masquerading before the gay world with the 

* Varro contrasts the later luxury with past frugality, setting in op- 
position the spacious granaries, and simple farm arrangements of the 
good old times, and the peacocks and richly inlaid doors of a de- 
generate age. Formerly even the city matron turned the spindle with 
her own hand, while at the same time she kept her eye upon the pot 
on the hearth ; now the wife begs the husband for a bushel of pearls, 
and the daughter demands a pound of precious stones : then the wife 
was quite content if the husband gave her a trip once or twice in the 
year in an uncushioned wagon ; now she 'sulks if he go to his country 
estate without her, and as she travels my lady is attended to the villa 
by the fashionable host of Greek menials and singers. 



most reckless disregard of all the proprieties of 

The garments of Roman men and women were of 
extreme simplicity for a long period, but the desire 
of display and the love of ornament succeeded in 
making them at last highly adorned and varied. 
Both men and women wore two principal garments, 
the tunic next to the body, and the pallium which 
was thrown over it when going abroad ; but they 
also each had a distinctive article of dress, the men 
wearing the toga (originally worn also by women), a 
flowing outer garment which no foreigner could use, 


and the women the stola, which fell over the tunic to 
the ankles and was bound about the waist by a 
girdle. Boys and girls wore a toga with a broad 
border of purple, but when the boy became a man he 
threw this off and wore one of the natural white 
color of the wool. 

Sometimes the stola was clasped over the shoulder, 
and in some instances it had sleeves. The pallium 

* Cato the Elder, who enjoyed uttering invectives against women, 
was free in denouncing their chattering, their love of dress, their un- 
governable spirit, and condemned the whole sex as plaguy and proud, 
without whom men would probably be more godly. 


was a square outer garment of woollen goods, put on 
by women as well as men when going out. It came 
into use during the civil wars, but was forbidden by 
Augustus. Both sexes also wore in travelling a 
thick, long cloak without sleeves, called the pcenula, 
and the men wore also over the toga a dark cloak, 
the lacerna. 

On their feet the men wore slippers, boots, and 
shoes of various patterns. The soccus was a slipper 
not tied, worn in the house ; and the solea a very 
light sandal, also used in the house only. The 
sandalium proper was a rich and luxurious sandal 
introduced from Greece and worn by women only. 
The baxa was a coarse sandal made of twigs, used by 
philosophers and comic actors ; the calcceus was a 
shoe that covered the foot, though the toes were 
often exposed ; and the cothurnns y a laced boot worn 
by horsemen, hunters, men of authority, and tragic 
actors, and it left the toes likewise exposed. 

An examination of the mysteries of the dressing- 
rooms of the ladies of Rome displays most of the 
toilet conveniences that women still use. They 
dressed their hair in a variety of styles (see page 155), 
and used combs, dyes, oils, and pomades just as they 
now do. They had mirrors, perfumes, soaps in great 
variety, hair-pins, ear-rings, bracelets, necklaces, gay 
caps and turbans, and sometimes ornamental wigs. 

The change that came over Rome during the long 
period of the kingdom and the republic is perhaps as 
evident in the table customs as in any respect. For 
centuries the simple Roman sat down at noon to a 
plain dinner of boiled pudding made of spelt (far), 



and fruits, which, with milk, butter, and vegetables, 
formed the chief articles of his diet. His table was 
plain, and his food was served warm but once a day 


When the national horizon had been enlarged by the 
foreign wars, and Asiatic and Greek influences began 
to be felt, hot dishes were served oftener, and 


the two courses of the principal meal no longer 
sufficed to satisfy the fashionable appetite. A 
baker's shop was opened at the time of the war 
with Perseus, and scientific cookery rapidly came 
into vogue. 

We cannot follow the course of the history of in- 
creasing luxury in its details. Towards the end of 
the republic, breakfast {jentaculuni), consisting of 
bread and cheese, with perhaps dried fruit, was 
taken at a very early hour, in an informal way, the 
guests not even sitting down. At twelve or one 
o'clock luncheon followed (prandiuni). There was 
considerable variety in this meal. The principal 
repast of the day (ccena) occurred late in the after- 
noon, some time just before sunset, there having 
been the same tendency to make the hour later and 
later that has been manifested in England and 
America. There were three usual courses, the 
first comprising stimulants to the appetite, eggs, 
olives, oysters, lettuce, and a variety of other 
such delicacies. For the second course the whole 
world was put under requisition. There were tur- 
bots and sturgeon, eels and prawns, boar's flesh and 
venison, pheasants and peacocks, ducks and capons, 
turtles and flamingoes, pickled tunny-fishes, truffles 
and mushrooms, besides a variety of other dishes 
that it is impossible to mention here. After these 
came the dessert, almonds and raisins and dates, 
cheese-cakes and sweets and apples. Thus the egg 
came at the beginning, and the apple, representative 
of fruit in general, at the end, a fact that gave 
Horace ground for his expression, ab ovo tisque ad 


mala, from the egg to the apple., from the beginning 
to the end.* 

The Roman dinner was served with all the osten- 
tatious elegance and formality of our own days, if 
not with more. The guests assembled in gay dresses 
ornamented with flowers ; they took off their shoes, 
lest the couch, inlaid with ivory, perhaps, or adorned 
with cloth of gold, should be soiled ; and laid them- 
selves down to eat, each one adjusting his napkin 
carefully, and taking his position according to his 
relative importance, the middle place being deemed 
the most honorable. About the tables stood the 
servants, dressed in the tunic, and carrying napkins 
or rough cloths to wipe off the table, which was of 
the richest wood and covered by no cloth. While 
some served the dishes, often of magnificent designs, 
other slaves offered the feasters water to rinse their 
hands, or cooled the room with fans. At times 
music and dances were added to give another charm 
to the scene. 

The first occupation of the Romans was agricul- 
ture, in which was included the pasturage of flocks 
and herds. In process of time trades were learned, 
and manufactures (literally making with the hand, 
mantis > the \\.2^\A, facer e, to make) were introduced, 
but not, of course, to any thing like the extent fa- 

* The practical side of the Roman priesthood was the priestly cuis- 
ine ; the augural and pontifical banquets were, as we may say, the 
official gala days in the life of a Roman epicure, and several of them 
form epochs in the history of gastronomy : the banquet on the occa- 
sion of the inauguration of the augur Quintus Hortensius, for in* 
stance, brought roast peacocks into vogue. — Mommscn. Book IV. f 

chap. 12. 



miliar in our times. There were millers and shoe, 
makers, butchers and tanners, bakers and blacksmiths, 
besides other tradesmen and laborers. In the pro- 
cess of time there were also artists, but in this respect 
Rome did not excel as Greece had long before. 
There were also physicians, lawyers, and teachers, 
besides office-holders.* 

When the Roman wished to go from place to place 
he had a variety of modes among which to choose, 
as we have already had suggested by Horace in his 
account of the trip from Rome to Brundusium. He 
might have his horse saddled, and his saddle-bags 
packed, as our fathers did of yore ; he could do as one 
of the rich provincial governors described by Cicero 
did when, at the opening of a Sicilian spring, he en- 
tered his rose-scented litter, carried by eight bearers, 
reclining on a cushion of Maltese gauze, with gar- 
lands about his head and neck, applying a delicate 
scent-bag to his nose as he went. There were 
wagons and cars, in which he might drive over the 
hard and smooth military roads, and canals; and 

* There were office-seekers, also, and of the most persistent kind, 
throughout the whole history of the republic, and they practised the 
corrupt arts of the most ingenious of the class in modern times. The 
candidate went about clad in a toga of artificial whiteness {candidus, 
white), accompanied by a nomenclator, who gave him the names of the 
voters they might meet, so that he could compliment them by ad- 
dressing them familiarly, and he shook them by the hand. He 
"treated" the voters to drink or food in a very modern fashion, 
though with a more than modern profusion ; and he went to the ex- 
treme of bribing them if treating did not suffice. Against these prac- 
tices Coriolanus haughtily protests, in Shakespeare's play. Some- 
times condidates canvassed for votes outside of Rome, as Cicero 
proposed in one of his letters to Atticus. 


along the routes, there were, as Horace has told us, 
taverns at which hospitality was to be expected. 

The Roman law was remarkable for embodying in 
itself " the eternal principles of freedom and of 
subordination, of property and legal redress," which 
still reign unadulterated and unmodified, as Momm- 
sen says ; and this system this strong people not 
only endured but actually ordained for itself, and it 
involved the principle that a free man could not be 
tortured, a principle which other European peoples 
embraced only after a terrible and bloody struggle 
of a thousand years. 

One of the punishments is worthy of mention 
here. We have already noticed its infliction. It 
was ordered that a person might not live in a certain 
region, or that he be confined to a certain island, 
and that he be interdicted from fire and water, those 
two essentials to life, in case he should overstep the 
bounds mentioned. These elements with the Ro- 
mans had a symbolical meaning, and when the 
husband received his bride with fire and water, he 
signified that his protection should ever be over her. 
Thus their interdiction meant the withdrawal of the 
protection of the state from a person, which left 
him an outlaw. Such a law could only have been 
made after the nation had become possessed of 
regions somewhat remote from its centre of power. 
England can now exile its criminals to another 
hemisphere, and Russia to a distant region of deserts 
and cold, but neither country could have punished by 
exile before it owned such regions c 



In the earliest times the education of young 
Romans was probably confined to instruction in 
dancing and music, though they became acquainted 
with the processes of agriculture by being called 
upon to practise them in company with their elders. 
It was not long before the elementary attainments 
of reading, writing, and counting were brought 
within their reach, even among the lower orders and 
the slaves, and we know that it was thought impor- 
tant to make the latter class proficient in many 
departments of scholarship. 

The advance in the direction of real mental cul- 
ture was, however, not great until after the contact 
with Greece. So long as the Romans remained a 
strong and self-centred people, deriving little but 
tribute from peoples beyond the Italian peninsula, 
and looking with disdain upon all outside that limit, 
there was not much to stimulate their mental prog- 
ress ; but when contrast with another civilization 
showed that there was much power to be gained by 
knowledge, it was naturally more eagerly sought. 
The slaves and other foreigners, to whom the in- 
struction of the children was assigned, were familiar 


with the Greek language, and it had the great ad- 
vantage over Latin of being the casket in which an 
illustrious literature was preserved. For this reason 
Roman progress in letters was founded upon that of 

The Roman parent for a long time made the 
Twelve Tables the text-book from which his children 
were taught, thus giving them a smattering of read- 
ing, of writing, and of the laws of the land at once. 
Roman authorship and the study of grammar, how- 
ever, were about coincident in their beginnings 
with the temporary cessation of war and the second 
closing of the temple of Janus. Cato the elder pre- 
pared manuals for the instruction of youth (or, 
perhaps, one manual in several parts), which gave his 
views on morals, oratory, medicine, war, and agri- 
culture (a sort of encyclopaedia), and a history enti- 
tled Origines, which recounted the traditions of the 
kings, told the story of the origin of the Italian 
towns, of the Punic wars, and of other events down 
to the time of his own death. * This seems to 
have originated in the author's natural interest in 
the education of his son, a stimulating cause of 
much literature of the same kind since. 

The Roman knowledge of medicine came first 
from the Etruscans, to whom they are said to have 
owed so much other culture, and subsequently from 
the Greeks. The first person to make a distinct 
profession of medicine at Rome, however, was not 

* See page 153. " Cato's encyclopaedia . . . was little more 
than an embodiment of the old Roman household knowledge, and 
truly when compared with the Hellenic culture of the period, was 
scanty enough." — Mommsen, bk. IV., ch. 12. 


an Etruscan, but a Greek, named Archagathus, who 
settled there in the year 219, just before the second 
Punic war broke out. He was received with great 
respect, and a shop was bought for him at the public 
expense ; but his practice, which was largely surgi- 
cal, proved too severe to be popular. In earlier 
days the father had been the family physician, and 
Cato vigorously reviled the foreign doctors, and like 
the true conservative that he was, strove to bring 
back the good old times that his memory painted ; 
but his efforts did not avail, and the professional 
practice of the healing art not only became one of 
the most lucrative in Rome, but remained for a long 
period almost a monopoly in the hands of foreigners. 
Science, among the latest branches of knowledge to 
be freed from the swaddling-clothes of empiricism, 
received, in its applied form, some attention, though 
mathematics and physics were not specially favored 
as subjects of investigation. 

The progress of Roman culture is distinctly shown 
by a comparison of the curriculum of Cato with that 
of Marcus Terentius Varro, a long-time friend of 
Cicero, though ten years his senior.* Varro ob- 
tained from Quintilian the title " the most learned 
of the Romans," and St. Augustine said that it was 
astonishing that he could write so much, and that 

* Varro is said to have written of his youth . " For me when a boy 
there sufficed a single rough coat and a single undergarment, shoes 
without stockings, a horse without a saddle. I had no daily warm 
bath, and but seldom a river bath." Still, he utters warnings against 
over-feeding and over-sleeping, as well as against cakes and high 
living, pointing to his own youthful training, and says that dogs were 
in his later years more judiciously cared for than children. 


one could scarcely believe that anybody could find 
time even to read all that he wrote. He was pro- 
scribed by the triumvirs at the same time that 
Cicero was, but was fortunate enough to escape and 
subsequently to be placed under the protection of 
Augustus. Cato thought that a proper man ought 
to study oratory, medicine, husbandry, war, and law, 
and was at liberty to look into Greek literature a 
little, that he might cull from the mass of chaff and 
rubbish, as he affected to deem it, some serviceable 
maxims of practical experience, but he might not 
study it thoroughly. Varro extended the limit of 
allowed and fitting studies to grammar, logic, 
rhetoric, geometry, arithmetic, astronomy, music, 
medicine, and architecture. 

Young children were led to their first studies by 
the kindergarten path of amusement, learning their 
letters as we learned them ourselves by means of 
blocks, and spelling by repeating the letters and 
words in unison after the instructor. Dictation 
exercises were turned to account in the study of 
grammar and orthography, and writing was taught 
by imitation, though the " copy-book " was not 
paper, but a tablet covered with a thin coating of 
wax, and the pen a stylus, pencil-shaped, sharp at 
one end and flat at the other, so that the mark made 
by the point might be smoothed out by reversing 
the instrument. Thus vertere stilum, to turn the 
stylus, meant to correct or to erase.* The first 
school-book seems to have been an Odyssey, by one 
Livius Andronicus, probably a Tarentine, who was 

* See illustrations on pages 23 and 219. 


captured during the wars in Southern Italy. He 
became a slave, of course, and was made instructor 
of his master's children. He familiarized himself 
with the Latin language, and wrote dramas in it. 
Thus though he was a native of Magna Graecia, he 
is usually mentioned as the first Roman poet. It is 
not known whether his Odyssey and other writings 
were imitations of the Greek or translations, but it 
matters little; they were immediately appreciated 
and held their own so well that they were read in 
schools as late as the time of Horace. This first 
awakener of Roman literary effort was born at the 
time of Pyrrhus and died before the battle of Zama. 
A few other Roman writers of prominence claim 
our attention. With some reason the Romans 
looked upon Ennius as the father of their literature. 
He, like Andronicus, was a native of Magna Graecia, 
claiming lordly ancestors, and boasting that the 
spirit of Homer, after passing through many mortal 
bodies, had entered his own. His works remain only 
in fragments gathered from others who had quoted 
them, and we cannot form any accurate opinion of 
his rank as a poet ; but we know that his success was 
so great that Cicero considered him the prince of 
Roman song, that Virgil was indebted to him for 
many thoughts and expressions, and that even the 
brilliance of the Augustan poets did not lessen his 
reputation. His utterances were vigorous, bold, fresh, 
and full of the spirit of the brave old days. He 
found the language rough, uncultivated, and un- 
formed, and left it softer, more harmonious, and pos- 
sessed of a system of versification. He was born in 


239 B.C., the year after the first plays of Andronicus 
had been exhibited on the Roman stage, and died 
just before the complete establishment of the uni- 
versal empire of Rome as a consequence of the 
battle of Pydna.** 

At the head of the list of Roman prose annalists 
stands the name of Quintus Fabius Pictor, at one 
time a senator, who wrote a history of his nation be- 
ginning, probably, like other Roman works of its 
class, with the coming of ^Eneas, and narrating later 
events, to the end of the second Punic war, with 
some degree of minuteness. He wrote in Greek, 
and made the usual effort to preserve and transmit a 
sufficiently good impression of the greatness of his 
own people. That Pictor -was a senator proves his 
social importance, which is still further exemplified 
by the fact that after the carnage of Cannse, he was 
sent to Delphi to learn for his distressed countrymen 
how they might appease the angry gods. We only 
know that his history was of great value from the fre- 
quent use that was made of it by subsequent investi- 
gators in the antiquities of the Roman people, be- 
cause no manuscript of it has been preserved. 

Titus Maccius, surnamed, from the flatness of his 
feet, Plautus, was the greatest among the comic 
poets of Rome. Of humble origin, he was driven to 
literature by his necessities, and it was while turning 
the crank of a baker's hand-mill that he began the 
work by which he is now known. He wrote three 
plays which were accepted by the managers of the 
public games, and he was thus able to turn his back 

* See page 164. 


upon menial drudgery. Born at an Umbrian village 
during the first Punic war, not far from the year 
when Regulus was taken,* he came to Rome at 
an early age, and after he began to write, produced a 
score or more of plays which captivated both the 
learned and the uneducated by their truth to the life 
that they depicted, and they held their high reputa- 
tion long after the death of the author. Moderns 
have also attested their merit, and our great drama- 
tist in his amusing Comedy of Errors imitated the 
Mencechmi of this early play-wright.f 

Publius Terentius Afer 9 commonly known as Ter- 
rence, the second and last of the comic poets, was of 
no higher social position than Plautus, and was no 
more a Roman than the other writers we have re- 
ferred to, for he was a native of Carthage, Rome's 
great rival, where he was born at the time that Han- 
nibal was a refugee at the court of Antiochus at 
Ephesus. In spite of his foreign origin, Terence was 
of sufficient ability to exchange the slave-pen of 
Carthage for the society of the best circles in 
Rome, and he attained to such purity and ease in 
the use of his adopted tongue that Cicero and Caesar 
scarcely surpass him in those respects. His first play, 
the Andria (the Woman of Andros), was produced 

* See page 133. 

\ Rude farces, known as Atellaruz Fabulce, were introduced into 
Rome after the contact with the Campanians, from one of whose 
towns, Atella, they received their name. Though they were at a later 
time divided into acts, they seem to have been at first simply impro- 
vised raillery and satire without dramatic connection. The Atellan 
plays were later than the imitations of Etruscan acting mentioned 
on page no, 


in 166 B.C., the year before Polybius and the other 
Achaeans were transported to Rome.* It has been 
imitated and copied in modern times, and notably by 
Sir Richard Steele in his Conscious Lovers. Andria 
was followed by Hecyra (the Stepmother), Heauton- 
timoroumenos, (the Self-Tormentor), Eunuchus (the 
Eunuch), Phormio (named from a parasite who is an 
active agent in the plot), and AdelpJii (the Brothers), 
the plot of which was mainly derived from a Greek 
play of the same title. This foreign influence is fur- 
ther shown in the names of these plays, which are 

Cato, the Censor, found time among his varied pub- 
lic labors to contribute to the literature of his lan- 
guage. His Origines and other works have already 
been mentioned.f The varied literary productions 
of Cicero have also come under our notice,^ but they 
deserve more attention, though they are too many to 
be enumerated. Surpassing all others in the art of 
public speaking, he was evidently well prepared to 
write on rhetoric and oratory as he did ; but his gen- 
eral information and scholarly taste led him to go far 
beyond this limit, and he made considerable investi- 
gations in the domains of politics, history, and philos- 
ophy, law, theology, and morals, besides practising 
his hand in his earlier years on the manufacture of 
verses that have not added to his reputation. The 
writings of Cicero of greatest interest to us now 
are his orations and correspondence, both of which 
give us intimate information concerning life and 

* See page 164 ; and portrait, page 141. 
\ See pages 153 and 239. % See page 202. 


events that is of inestimable value, and it is con- 
veyed in a literary style at once so appropriate and 
attractive that it is itself forgotten in the impressive 
interest of the narrative. The period covered by the 
eight hundred letters of Cicero that have been pre- 
served is one of the utmost importance in Roman 
history, and the author and his correspondents were 
in the hottest of the exciting movements of the 

When he writes without reserve, he gives his 
modern readers confidential revelations of the ut- 
most piquancy ; and when he words his epistles with 
diplomatic care, he displays with equal acuteness, to 
the student familiar with the intrigues of public life 
at Rome at the time, the sinuosities of contemporary 
statesmanship and the wiles of the wary politician, 
and the revelation is all the more entertaining and 
important because it is an unintentional exhibition. 
The orations of Cicero are likewise storehouses of 
details connected with public and private life, gath- 
ered with the minute care of an advocate persist- 
ently in earnest and determined not to allow any 
item to pass unnoticed that might affect the decision 
of his cause. 

The learned Varro, already mentioned, deserves far 
more attention than we can afford him. He had the 
advantage at an early age of the acquaintance of a 
scholar of high attainments in Greek and Latin lit- 
erature, who was well acquainted also with the his- 
tory of his own country, from whom he imbibed a 
love of intellectual pursuits. During the wars with 
the pirates (in which he obtained the naval crown) 


and with Mithridates, he held a high command, and 
after supporting Pompey and the senate during the 
civil struggles, he was compelled to surrender to 
Caesar (though he was not changed in his opinions), 
and passed over to Greece, where he was finally 
overcome by the dictator, and owed his subsequent 
opportunities for study to the clemency of his con- 
queror, who gave hirn pardon after the battle of 
Pharsalia. All the rest of his life was passed aloof 
from the storm that raged around him, the circum- 
stances of his proscription and pardon being the 
only indication of his personal connection with it. 
He died in the year 28 B.C., after the temple of 
Janus had been closed the third time, when Augus- 
tus had entered upon the enjoyment of his absolute 

Of nearly five hundred works that Varro is said to 
have written, one only has come down to our time 
complete, though some portions of another are also 
preserved. The first is a laboriously methodical and 
thorough treatise on agriculture. The other work (a 
treatise on Latin grammar) is of value in its muti- 
lated and imperfect state (it seems never to have 
received its author's final revision), because it pre- 
serves many terms and forms that would otherwise 
have been lost, besides much curious information 
concerning ancient civil and religious usages. In 
regard to the derivation of words, his principles 
are sound, but his practice is often amusingly 
absurd. We must remember, however, that the 
science of language did not advance beyond infancy 
until after our own century had opened. The 


great reputation of Varro was founded upon a work 
now lost, entitled " Book of Antiquities," in the first 
part of which he discussed the creation and history 
of man, especially of man in Italy from the founda- 
tion of the city in 753 B.C. (which date he estab- 
lished), not omitting reference to ^Eneas, of course, 
and presenting details of the manners and social 
customs of the people during all their career. In a 
second part Varro gave his attention to Divine An- 
tiquities, and' as St. Augustine drew largely from it 
in his " City of God," we may be said to be familiar 
with it at second hand. It was a complete my- 
thology of Italy, minutely describing every thing 
relating to the services of religion, the festivals, tem- 
ples, offerings, priests, and so on. Probably the loss 
of the works of Varro may be accounted for by their 
lack of popular interest, or by their infelicities of 
style, which rendered them little attractive to readers. 

Julius Caesar must be included among the authors 
of Rome, though most of his works are lost, his 
Commentaries (mentioned on p. 226) being the only 
one remaining. This book is written in Latin of 
great purity, and shows that the author was master 
of a clear style, though the nature of the work did 
not admit him to exhibit many of the graces of dic- 
tion. The Commentaries seem to have been put into 
form in winter quarters, though roughly written 
during the actual campaigns. Caesar always took 
pleasure in literary pursuits and in the society of men 
of letters. 

Valerius Catullus, a contemporary of the writers 
just named, was born when Cinna was Consul (b.C* 


87), and died at the age of thirty or forty, for the 
dates given as that of his death are quite doubtful. 
His father was a man of means and a friend of 
Caesar, whom he frequently entertained. Catullus 
owned a villa near Tibur, but he took up his abode 
at Rome when very young, and mingled freely in 
the gayest society, the expensive pleasures of which 
made great inroads upon his moderate wealth. Like 
other Romans, he looked to a career in the prov- 
inces for means of improving his fortune, but was 
disappointed, and like our own Chaucer, but more 
frequently, he pours forth lamentations to his empty 
purse. He was evidently a friend of most of the 
prominent men of letters of his time, and he entered 
freely into the debauchery of the period. Thus his 
verse gives a representation of the debased manners 
of the day in gay society. His style was remarkably 
felicitous, and it is said that he adorned all that he 
touched. Most of his poems are quite short, and 
their subjects range from a touching outburst of 
genuine grief for a brother's death to a fugitive 
epigram of the most voluptuous trivality. His verses 
display ease and impetuosity, tumultuous merriment 
and wild passion, playful grace and slashing invec- 
tive, vigorous simplicity and ingenious imitation of 
the learned stiffness and affectation of the Alexan- 
drian school. They are strongly national, despite 
the author's use of foreign materials, and made 
Catullus exceedingly popular among his country- 

Lucretius (Titus Lucretius Carus) was a native of 
Italy, whose birth is said to have occurred B.C. 95, 


His death was caused by his own hand, or by a 
philtre administered by another, about 50 B.C., and 
very little is known about his life. His great work, 
entitled About the Nature of Things (De Rerum 
Natura), is a long poem, in which an attempt is 
made to present in clear terms the leading principles 
of the philosophy of Epicurus, and it is acknowl- 
edged to be one of the greatest of the world's didac- 
tic poems. He undertakes to demonstrate that the 
miseries of men may be traced to a slavish dread of 
the gods ; and in order to remove such apprehen- 
sions, he would prove that no divinity ever inter- 
posed in the affairs of the earth, either as creator or 
director. The Romans were not, as we have had 
occasion to observe, inclined to philosophic pursuits, 
and Lucretius certainly labored with all the force of 
an extraordinary genius to lead them into such 
studies. He brought to bear upon his task the 
power of sublime and graceful verse, and it has been 
said that but for him " we could never have formed 
an adequate idea of the strength of the Latin lan- 
guage. We might have dwelt with pleasure upon 
the softness, flexibility, richness, and musical tone 
of that vehicle of thought which could represent 
with full effect the melancholy tenderness of Tibul- 
lus,* the exquisite ingenuity of Ovid,f the inimitable 

* Albius Tibullus was a poet of singular gentleness and amiability, 
who wrote verses of exquisite finish, gracefully telling the story of his 
worldly misfortunes and expressing the fluctuations that marked his 
indulgence in the tender passion, in which his experience was extensive 
and his record real. He was a warm friend of Horace. 

f Ovid (Publius Ovidius Naso) was born March 20, B.C. 43, and did 
not compose his first work, The Art of Love (Ars Amatoria), until 


felicity and taste of Horace, the gentleness and high 
spirit of Virgil, and the vehement declamation of 
Juvenal, but, had the verses of Lucretius perished, 
we should never have known that it could give 
utterance to the grandest conceptions with all that 
sustained majesty and harmonious swell in which the 
Grecian Muse rolls forth her loftiest outpourings." 

Caius Sallustius Crispus (Sallust) was born the 
year that Marius died (B.C. 86) of a plebeian family, 
and during the civil wars was a partisan of Caesar, 
whom he accompanied to Africa, after having brought 
to him the news of the mutiny of his troops in Cam- 
pania (B.C. 46).* Left as governor, Sallust seems to 
have pursued the methods common to that class, for 
he became immensely rich. Upon his return from 
Africa, he retired to an extensive estate on the 
Quirinal Hill, and lived through the direful days 
which followed the death of Caesar. He died in the 
year 34 B.C., his last years being devoted to dilligent 
pursuits of literature. His two works are Catilina, 
a history of the suppression of the conspiracy of 
Catiline, and Jugurtha, a history of the war against 
Jugurtha, in both of which he took great pains with 
his style. As he witnessed many of the events he 

he was more than fifty years of age. He wrote subsequently The 
Metamorphoses, in fifteen books ; The Fasti, containing accounts 
of the Roman festivals ; and the Elegies, composed during his 
banishment to a town on the Euxine, near the mouth of the Danube, 
where he died, A.D. 18. Niebuhr places him after Catullus the most 
poetical among the Roman poets, and ranks him first for facility. He 
did not direct his genius by a sound judgment, and has the unenviable 
fame of having been the first to depart from the canons of correct 
Greek taste. 

* See page 245. 


described, his books have a great value to the student 
of the periods. Roman writers asserted that he imi- 
tated the style of Thucydides, but there is an air of 
artificiality about his work which he did not have 
the skill to conceal. He has the honor of being the 
first Roman to write history, as distinguished from 
mere annals. 

Livy (Titus Livius) was born in the year of Caesar's 
first consulship (B.C. 59), at Patavium (Padua), and 
died A.D. 17. His writings, like those of Ovid, come 
therefore rather into the period of the empire. His 
great work is the History of Rome, which he modest- 
ly called simply Annates. Little is known of his life, 
but he was of very high repute as a writer in his own 
day, for it is said by Pliny that a Spaniard travelled 
all the way from his distant home merely to see him, 
and as soon as his desire had been accomplished, re- 
turned. Livy's history comprised one hundred and 
forty-two books, of which thirty-five only are extant, 
though with the exception of two of the missing 
books valuable epitomes are preserved. Though 
wanting many of the traits of the historian, and 
though he was of course incapable of looking at 
history with the modern philosophic spirit, Livy was 
honest and candid, and possessed a wonderful com- 
mand of his native language. His work enjoyed an 
unbounded popularity, not entirely to be accounted 
for by the fascinations of his theme. He realized 
his desire to present a clear and probable narrative, 
and no history of Rome can now be written without 
constant reference to his pages. 

Horace (Quintus Horatius Flaccus) was born on 

HORACE. 307 

the river Aufidus, in the year 65 B.C., and was son of 
a freeman who seems to have been a publican or col- 
lector of taxes. At about the age of twelve, after 
having attended the local school at Venusia, to 
which the children of the rural aristocracy resorted, 
he was taken to Rome, where he enjoyed the ad- 
vantages of the best means of education. He studied 
Livius Andronicus, and Homer, and was flogged 
with care by at least one of his masters. He was 
accompanied at the capital by his father, of whom 
he always speaks with great respect, and because he 
mingled with boys of high rank, was well dressed and 
attended by slaves. The gentle watchfulness of the 
father guarded Horace from all the temptations of 
city life, and at the age of eighteen he went to 
Athens, as most well-educated Romans were obliged 
to, and studied in the academic groves, though for a 
while he was swept away by the youthful desire to 
acquire military renown under Brutus, who came 
there after the murder of Caesar. Like the others of 
the republican army, he fled from the field of Philippi, 
and found his military ardor thoroughly cooled. He 
thenceforth devoted himself to letters. Returning to 
Rome, he attracted notice by his verses, and became 
a friend of Maecenas and Virgil, the former of whom 
bestowed upon him a farm sufficient to sustain him. 
His life thereafter was passed in frequent interchange 
of town and country residence, a circumstance which 
is reflected with charming grace in his verses. His 
rural home is described in his epistles. It was not 
extensive, but was pleasant, and he enjoyed it to the 
utmost. His poetry is deficient in the highest prop- 


erties of verse, but as the fresh utterances of a man 
of the world who was possessed of quick observation 
and strong common-sense, and who was honest and 
bold, they have always charmed their readers. The 
Odes of Horace are unrivalled for their grace and 
felicitous language, but express no great depth of 
feeling. His Satires do not originate from moral in- 
dignation, but the writer playfully shoots folly as it 
flies, and exhibits a wonderful keenness of observa- 
tion of the ways of men in the world. His Epistles 
are his most perfect work, and are, indeed, among 
the most original and polished forms of Roman 
verse. His Art of Poetry is not a complete theory 
of poetic art, and is supposed to have been written 
simply to suggest the difficulties to be met on the 
way to perfection by a versifier destitute of the 
poetic genius. The works of Horace were immedi- 
ately popular, and in the next generation became 
text-books in the schools. 

Cornelius Nepos was a historical writer of whose 
life almost no particulars have come down to us, ex- 
cept that he was a friend of Cicero, Catullus, and 
probably of other men of letters who lived at the 
end of the republic. The works that he is known to 
have written are all lost, and that which goes under 
his name, The Biographies of Distinguished Com- 
manders (Excellentium Imperatorum Vitce), seems to 
be an abridgment made some centuries after his 
death, and tedious discussions have been had regard- 
ing its authorship. The lives are, however, valuable 
for their pure Latinity, and interesting for the lofty 
tone in which the greatness of the Roman people 


is celebrated. The life of Atticus, the friend and 
correspondent of Cicero, is the one of the biographies 
regarding which the doubts have been least. The 
work is still a favorite school-book and has been pub- 
lished in innumerable editions. 

This brief list of celebrated writers whose works 
were in the hands of the reading public of Rome 
during the time of the republic, must be closed with 
reference to Virgil (Publius Vergilius Maro), the 
writer who stands at the head of the literature of 
Rome, sharing his pre-eminence only with his 
younger friend, Horace. Born on his father's small 
estate near Mantua, Virgil studied Greek at Naples, 
and other branches, probably, at Rome, where in 
time he became the friend of the munificent patron 
of letters, Maecenas, with whom we have already 
seen him on the noted journey to Brundu- 
sium. It was at the instigation of Maecenas that 
Virgil wrote his most finished work, the agricultural 
poem entitled Georgian, which was completed after 
the battle of Actium (B.C. 31), when Augustus was 
in the East. It had been preceded by ten brief poems 
called Bucolics (Bucolica, Greek, boukolos, a cow- 
herd), noteworthy for their smooth versification and 
many natural touches, though they have only the 
form and coloring of the true pastoral poem. The 
^Eneid, which was begun about 30 B.C., occupied 
eleven years in composition, and yet lacked the fin- 
ishing touches when the poet was on his death-bed. 
His death occurred September 22, B.C. 19, at Brun- 
dusium, to which place he had come from Greece, 
where he had been in company with Augustus, and 


he was buried between the first and second mile- 
stones on the road from Naples to Puteoli, where a 
monument is still shown as his. 

Though always a sufferer from poor health, and 
therefore debarred from entering upon an oratorical 
or a military career, Virgil was exceptionally fortu- 
nate in his friendships and enjoyed extraordinary 
patronage which enabled him to cultivate literature 
to the greatest advantage. He was fortunate, too, 
in his fame, for he was a favorite when he lived no 
less than after his death. Before the end of 
his own generation his works were introduced as 
text-books into Roman schools ; during the Middle 
Age he was the great poet whom it was heresy not 
to admire ; Dante owned him as a master and a 
model ; and the people finally embalmed him in 
their folk-lore as a mysterious conjurer and necro- 
mancer. His JEneid, written in imitation of the 
great Greek poem on the fall of Troy, is a patriotic 
epic, tracing the wanderings, *he struggles, and the 
death of ^Eneas, and vaunting the glories of Rome 
and the greatness of the royal house of the emperor. 

Thus, through long ages the Roman wrote, and 
thus he was furnished with books to read. For cen- 
turies he had no literature excepting those rude bal- 
lads in which the books of all countries have begun, 
and all trace of them has passed away. When at 
last, after the conquest of the Greek cities in South- 
ern Italy, the Tarentine Andronicus began to imitate 
the epics of his native language in that of his adop- 
tion, the progress was still quite slow among a people 
who argued with the sword and saw little to interest 


them in the fruit of the brain. As the republic tot- 
ters to its fall, however, the cultivators of this field 
increase, and we must suppose that readers also were 
multiplied. At that time and during the early years 
of the empire, a Maecenas surrounded himself with 
authors and stimulated them to put forth all their 
vigor in the effort to create a native literature. 

On the Esquiline Hill there was a spot of ground 
that had been a place of burial for the lower orders. 
This the hypochondriacal invalid Maecenas bought, 
and there he laid out a garden and erected a lofty 
house surmounted by a tower commanding a view of 
the city and vicinity. Effeminate and addicted to 
every sort of luxury, Maecenas calmed his sometimes 
excited nerves by the sweet sound of distant sym- 
phonies, gratified himself by comforting baths, 
adorned his clothing with expensive gems, tickled 
his palate with dainty confections of the cook, and 
regaled himself with the loftier delights afforded by 
the companionship of the wits and virtuosi of the 
capital. Magnificent was the patronage that he dis- 
pensed among the men of letters ; and that he was 
no mean critic, his choice of authors seems to prove. 
They were the greatest geniuses and most learned 
men of the day. At his table sat Virgil, Horace, 
and Propertius, besides many others, and his name 
has ever since been proverbial for the patron of let- 
ters. No wealthy public man has since arisen who 
could rival him in this respect. 



It is easier to think of the old Roman republicans 
as serious than gay, when we remember that they 
considered that their very commonwealth was estab- 
lished upon the will of the gods, and that no acts — 
at least no public acts — could properly be performed 
without consulting those spiritual beings, which their 
imagination pictured as presiding over the hearth, 
the farm, the forum — as swarming throughout every 
department of nature. The first stone was not laid 
at the foundation of the city until Romulus and 
Remus had gazed up into the heavens, so mysterious 
and so beautiful, and had obtained, as they thought, 
some indication of the fittest place where they might 
dig and build. The she-wolf that nurtured the twins 
was elevated into a divinity with the name Lupa, or 
Luperca (lupus, a wolf), and was made the wife of a 
god who was called Lupercus, and worshipped as 
the protector of sheep against their enemies, and as 
the god of fertility. On the fifteenth of February, 
when in that warm clime spring was beginning to 
open the buds, the shepherds celebrated a feast in 
honor of Lupercus. Its ceremonies, in some part 
symbolic of purification, were rude and almost sav- 


age, proving that they originated in remote antiquity, 
but they continued at least down to the end of the 
period we have considered, and the powerful Marc 
Antony did not disdain to clothe himself in a wolf- 
skin and run almost naked through the crowded 
streets of the capital the month before his friend 
Julius Caesar was murdered.* It was a fitting festi- 
val for the month of which the name was derived 
from that of the god of purification (februare, to 

It was at the foot of a fig-tree that Romulus and 
Remus were fabled to have been found by Faustulus, 
and that tree was always looked upon with special 
veneration, though whenever the Roman walked 
through the woods he felt that he was surrounded 
by the world of gods, and that such a leafy shade 
was a proper place to consecrate as a temple. A 
temple was not an edifice in those simple days, but 
merely a place separated and set apart to religious 
uses by a solemn act of dedication. When the 
augur moved his wand aloft and designated the 
portion of the heavens in which he was to make his 
observations, he called the circumscribed area of the 
ethereal blue a temple, and when the mediaeval 
astrologer did the same, he named the space a 
" house." On the Roman temple an altar was 
set up, and there, perhaps beneath the spreading 
branches of a royal oak, sacred to Jupiter, the king 
of the gods, or of an olive, sacred to Minerva, the 
maiden goddess, impersonation of ideas, who shared 
with him and his queen the highest place among the 

* See page 248. 


Capitoline deities, prayers and praises and sacrifices 
were offered. 

When the year opened, the Roman celebrated the 
fact by solemnizing in its first month, March, the 
festivity of the father of the Roman people by Rhea 
Silvia, the god who stood next to Jupiter; who, as 
Mars Silvanus, watched over the fields and the 
cattle, and, as Mars Gradivus (marching), delighted 
in bloody war, and was a fitting divinity to be ap- 
pealed to by Romulus as he laid the foundation of 
the city.* As spring progressed, sacrifices were 
offered to Tellus, the nourishing earth ; to Ceres, the 
Greek goddess Demeter, introduced from Sicily B.C. 
496, to avert a' famine, whose character did not, 
however, differ much from that of Tellus; and to 
Pales, a god of the flocks. At the same inspiring 
season another feast was observed in honor of the 
vines and vats, when the wine of the previous season 
was opened and tasted. f 

In like manner after the harvest, there were festi- 
vals in honor of Ops, goddess of plenty, wife of that 
old king of the golden age, Saturnus, introducer of 
social order and god of sowing, source of wealth and 
plenty. The festival of Saturnus himself occurred on 
December 17th, and was a barbarous and joyous 
harvest-home, a time of absolute relaxation and un- 
restrained merriment, when distinctions of rank were 

* See page 19. 

\ This was the Vinalia urbana {urbs, a city), but there was another 
festival celebrated August 19th, when the vintage began, known as 
the Vinalia rtistica, when lambs were sacrificed to Jupiter. While 
the flesh was still on the altar, the priest broke a cluster of grapes from 
a vine, and thus actually opened the wine harvejt. 


forgotten, and crowds thronged the streets crying, Io 
Saturnalia ! even slaves wearing the pileus or skull- 
cap, emblem of liberty, and all throwing off the 
dignified toga for the easy and comfortable synthesis, 
perhaps a sort of tunic. 

Other festivals were devoted to Vulcanus, god 
of fire, without whose help the handicraftsmen 
thought they could not carry on their work; and 
Neptunus, god of the ocean and the sea, to whom 
sailors addressed their prayers, and to whom com- 
manders going out with fleets offered oblations. 
Family life was not likely to be forgotten by a peo- 
ple among whom the father was the first priest, and 
accordingly we find that every house was in a certain 
sense a temple of Vesta, the goddess of the fireside, 
and that as of old time the family assembled in the 
atrium around the hearth, to partake of their com- 
mon meal, the renewal of the family bond of union 
was in later days accompanied with acts of worship 
of Vesta, whose actual temple was only an enlarge- 
ment of the fireside, uniting all the citizens of the 
state into a single large family. In her shrine there 
was no statue, but her presence was represented by 
the eternal fire burning upon her hearth, a fire that 
^Eneas was fabled to have brought with him from 
old Troy. The purifying flames stood for the unsul- 
lied character of the goddess, which was also be- 
tokened by the immaculate maidens who kept alive 
the sacred coals. As Vesta was remembered at every 
meal, so also the Lares and Penates, divinities of the 
fireside, were worshipped, for there was a purification 
at the beginning of the repast and a libation poured 


upon the table or the hearth in their honor at its 
close. When one went abroad he prayed to the 
Penates for a safe return, and when he came back, 
he hung his armor and his staff beside their images, 
and gave them thanks. In every sorrow and in every 
joy the indefinite divinities that went under these 
names were called upon for sympathy or help. 

In the month of June the mothers celebrated a 
feast called Matralia, to impress upon themselves 
their duties towards children ; and at another they 
brought to mind the good deeds of the Sabine 
women in keeping their husbands and fathers from 
war.* This was the Matronalia, and the epigram- 
matist Martial, who lived during the first century of 
our era, called it the Women's Saturnalia, on account 
of its permitted relaxation of manners. At that 
time husbands gave presents to their wives, lovers to 
their sweethearts, and mistresses feasted their maids. 

The Lemuria was a family service that the father 
celebrated on the ninth, eleventh, and thirteenth of 
May, when the ghosts of the departed were propiti- 
ated. It was thought that these spirits were wont 
to return to the scenes of their earthly lives to injure 
those who were still wrestling with the severe reali- 
ties of time, and specially did they come up during 
the darkness of night. Therefore it was that at 
midnight the father rose and went forth with caba- 
listic signs, skilfully adapted to keep the spectres at 
a distance. After thrice washing his hands in pure 
spring water, he turned around and took certain 
black beans into his mouth, and then threw them 

* See page 26. 


behind him for the ghosts to pick up. The goodman 
then uttered other mystic expressions without risk- 
ing any looks towards the supposed sprites, after 
which he washed his hands, and beat some brazen 
basins, and nine times cried aloud : " Begone, ye 
spectres of the house ! " Then could he look around, 
for the ghosts were harmless. 

Thus the Roman forefathers worshipped personal 
gods, but they did not, in the early times, follow the 
example of the imaginative Greeks, and represent 
them as possessing passions like themselves, nor did 
they erect them into families and write out their 
lines of descent, or create a mythology filled with 
stories of their acts good and bad. The gods were 
spiritual beings, but the religion was not a spiritual 
life, nor did it have much c onnection with morality. 
It was mainly based on the enjoyment of earthly 
pleasures. If the ceremonious duties were done, the 
demands of Roman religion were satisfied. It was a 
hard and narrow faith, but it seemed to tend towards 
bringing earthly guilt and punishment into relation 
with its divinities, and it contained the idea of sub- 
stitution, as is clearly seen in the stories of Curtius, 
Decius Mus, and others.* 

As time passed on the rites and ceremonies in- 
creased in number and intricacy, and it became 
necessary to have special orders to attend to their 
observance, for the fathers of the families were not 
able to give their attention to the matter sufficiently. 

* " When the gods of the community were angry, and nobody could 
be laid hold of as definitely guilty, they might be appeased by one who 
voluntarily gave himself up." — Mommsen, Book I., chapter 12. 


Thus the colleges of priests naturally grew up to care 
for the national religion, the most ancient of them 
bearing reference to Mars the killing god. They 
were the augurs and the pontifices, and as the 
religion grew more and more formal and the priests 
less and less earnest, the observances fell into dull 
and insipid performances, in which no one was inter- 
ested, and in time public service became not only 
tedious, but costly, penny collections made from 
house to house being among the least onerous ex- 
pedients resorted to for the support of the new 
grafts on the tree of devotion. 

As early as the time of the first Punic war, a consul 
was bold enough to jest at the auspices in public. 
Superstitions and impostures flourished, the astrology 
of ancient Chaldea spread, the Oriental ceremonies 
were introduced with the pomps that accompanied 
the reception of the unformed boulder which the 
special embassy brought from Pessinus when the 
weary war with Hannibal had rendered any source 
of hope, even the most futile, inspiring.* Then the 
abominable worship of Bacchus came in, and thous- 
ands were corrupted and made vicious throughout 
Italy before the authorities were able to put a stop 
to the midnight orgies and the crimes that daylight 

Cato the elder, who would have nothing to do 
with consulting Chaldeans or magicians of any sort, 
asked how it were possible for two such ministers to 
meet each other face to face without laughing at 
their own duplicity and the ridiculous superstition of 

* B.C. 204. See page 153. 


the people they deceived. Cato was very much 
shocked by the preaching of three Greek philoso- 
phers : Diogenes, a stoic ; Critolaus, a peripatetic ; 
and Carneades, an academic, who visited Rome on a 
political mission, B. C. 155 ; because it seemed to 
him tha*: they, especially the last, preached a doctrine 
that confounded justice and injustice, a system of ex- 
pediency, and he urged successfully that they should 
have a polite permission to depart with all speed. 
The philosophers were dismissed, but it was impos- 
sible to restrain the Roman youth who had listened 
to the addresses of the strangers with an avidity all 
the greater because their utterances had been found 
scandalous, and they went to Athens, or Rhodes, to 
hear more of the same doctrine. 

Thus in time the simplicity of the people was com- 
pletely undermined, and while they became more 
cosmopolitan they also grew more lax. They used 
the Greek language, and employed Greek writers, as 
we have seen, to make their books for them, which, 
though bearing Greek titles, were composed in 
Latin. The public men performed in the forenoon 
their civil and religious acts ; took their siestas in the 
middle of the day ; exercised in the Campus Martius, 

* It had been in early times customary to dismiss a political gather- 
ing if a thunder-storm came up, and the augurs had taken advantage of 
the practice to increase their own power by laying down an occult sys- 
tem of celestial omens which enabled them to bring any such meet- 
ing to a close when the legislation promised to thwart their plans. 
They finally reached the absurd extreme of enacting a law, by the 
terms of which a popular assembly was obliged to disperse, if it should 
occur to a higher magistrate merely to look into the heavens for signs 
of the approach of such a storm. The power of the priests under such 
a law was immeasurable. (See pages 236 and 247). 


swimming, wrestling, and fencing, in the afternoon; 
enjoyed the delicacies of the table later, listening 
to singing and buffoonery the while, and were thus 
prepared to seek their beds when the sun went down. 
At the bath, which came to be the polite resort of 
pleasure-seekers, all was holiday ; the toga and the 
foot-coverings were exchanged for a light Greek dress- 
ing-gown, and the time was whiled away in gossip, 
idle talk, lounging, many dippings into the flowing 
waters, and music. Pleasure became the business of 
life, and morality was relaxed to a frightful extent. 

When we consider the gay moods of the Roman 
people we turn probably first to childhood, and try to 
imagine how the little ones amused themselves. We 
find that the girls had their dolls, some of which have 
been dug out of ruins of the ancient buildings, and 
that the boys played games similar to those that 
still hold dominion over the young English or 
American school-boy at play. In their quieter 
moods they played with huckle-bones taken from 
sheep, goats, or antelopes, or imitated in stone, 
metal, ivory, or glass. From the earliest days these 
were used chiefly by women and children, who used 
five at a time, which they threw into the air and 
then tried to catch on the back of the hand, their 
irregular form making the success the result of con- 
siderable skill. The bones were also made to con- 
tribute to a variety of amusements requiring agility 
and accuracy ; but after a while the element of 
chance was introduced. The sides were marked 
with different values, and the victor was he who 
threw the highest value, fourteen, the numbers 


cast being each different from the rest. This throw 
obtained at a symposium or drinking party caused a 
person to be appointed king of the feast. 

One of the oldest games of the world is that 
called by the Romans little marauders (latrunculi), 
because it was played like draughts or checkers, 
there being two sets of " men," white and red, repre- 
senting opposed soldiers, and the aim of each player 
being to gain advantage over the other, as soldiers 
do in a combat. This game is as old as Homer, and 
is represented in Egyptian tombs, which are of much 
greater antiquity than any Grecian monuments. In 
this game, too, skill was all that was needed at first, 
but in time spice was given by the addition of 
chance, and dice {tessera, a die) were used as in back- 
gammon ; but gambling was deemed disreputable, 
and was forbidden during the republic, except at the 
time of the Saturnalia, though both Greeks and Ro- 
mans permitted aged men to amuse themselves in 
that way." :f 

The games of the Romans range from the inno- 
cent tossing of huckle-bones to the frightful scenes 
of the gladiatorial show. Some were celebrated in 
the open air, and others within the enclosures of the 
circus or the amphitheatre. Some were gay, festive, 
and abandoned, and others were serious and tragic. 
Some were said to have been instituted in the ear- 
liest days by Romulus, ServiusTullius, or Tarquinius 
Priscus, and others were imported from abroad or 

* A gambler was called aleator, and sometimes his implement was 
spoken of as aha, which meant literally gaming. When Suetonius 
makes Caesar say, before crossing the Rubicon, " The die is cast," he 
uses the words Jacta aha est ! 



grew up naturally as the nation progressed in expe- 
rience or in acquaintance with foreign peoples. The 
great increase of games and festivals and their enor- 
mous cost were signs of approaching trouble for the 
republic, and foretold the terrible days of the empire, 
when the rabblement of the capital, accustomed to 
be amused and fed by their despotic and corrupt 
rulers, should cry in the streets : " Give us bread for 
nothing and games forever ! " It was gradually edu- 
cating the populace to think of nothing but enjoy- 
ment and to abhor honest labor, and we can imagine 
the corruption that must have been brought into 
politics when honors were so expensive that a re- 
spectable gladiatorical show cost more than thirty- 
five thousand dollars (^7,200). If money for such 
purposes could not be obtained by honest means, the 
nobles, who lived on popular applause, would seek 
to force it from poor citizens of the colonies or win 
it by intrigue at home. 

There were impressive games celebrated from the 
fourth to the twelfth of September, called the great 
games of the Roman Circus, but it is a disputed point 
what divinities they were in honor of. Jupiter was 
thought surely to be one, and Consus another, by 
those who believed the legends asserting that they 
were a continuation of those established by Romulus 
when he wished to get wives from the Sabines. 
Others think that Tarquinius Priscus, after a victory 
over the Latins, commemorated his success by games 
in a valley between the Avcntine and the Palatine 
hills, where the spectators stood about to look on, 
or occupied stages that they erected for their sepa- 


rate use. The racers went around in a circuit, and 
it is perhaps on this account that the course and its 
scaffolds was called the circus {circum, round about). 
The course was long, and about it the seats of the 
spectators were in after times arranged in tiers. 
A division, called the spina (spine), was built 
through the central enclosure, separated the horses 
running in one direction from those going in the 

A variety of different games were celebrated in 
the circus. The races may be mentioned first. 
Sometimes two chariots, drawn by two horses or 
four each (the biga or the quadriga), entered for the 
trial of speed. Each had two horsemen, one of 
whom, standing in the car with the reins behind his 
back to enable him to throw his entire weight on 
them, drove, while the other urged the beasts for- 
ward, cleared the way, or assisted in managing the 
reins. Before the race lists of the horses were 
handed about and bets made on them, the utmost 
enthusiasm being excited, and the factions sometimes 
even coming to blows and blood. The time having 
arrived, the horses were brought from stalls at the 
end of the course, and ranged in line, a trumpet 
sounded, or a handkerchief was dropped, and the 
drivers and animals put forth every exertion to win 
the prize. Seven times they whirled around the 
course, the applause of the excited spectators con- 
stantly sounding in their ears. Now and then a biga 
would be overturned, or a driver, unable to control 
his fiery steeds, would be thrown to the ground, and, 
not quick enough to cut the reins that encircled him 


with the bill-hook that he carried for the purpose, 
would be dragged to his death. Such an accident 
would not stop the onrushing of the other compet- 
itors, and at last the victor would step from his car, 
mount the spina, and receive the sum of money that 
had been offered as the prize. 

Another game was the Play of Troy, fabled to 
have been invented by iEneas, in which young men 
of rank on horses performed a sham fight. On 
another occasion the circus would be turned into a 
camp, and equestrians and infantry would give a 
realistic exhibition of battle. Again, there would be 
athletic games, running, boxing, wrestling, throwing 
the discus or the spear, and other exercises testing 
the entire physical system with much thorough- 
ness. One day the amphitheatre would be filled 
with huge trees, and savage animals would be 
brought to be hunted down by criminals, captives, 
or men especially trained for the desperate work, who 
made it their profession. 

For the purposes of these combats the circus was 
found not to be the best, and the amphitheatre was 
invented by Curio for the celebration of his father's 
funeral games. It differed from a theatre in per- 
mitting the audience to see on both sides (Greek 
amphi, both), but the distinctive name was first 
applied to a structure built by Caesar, B.C. 46. The 
Flavian Amphitheatre, better known as the Colos- 
seum, of which the ruins now stand in Rome, was 
the culmination of this sort of building, and affords 
a good idea of the general arrangement of those that 
were not so grand. That of Caesar was, however, of 


wood, which material was used in constructing 
theatres also ; the first one of stone was not erected 
until 30 B.C., when Augustus was consul.* 

Variety was given to the exhibitions of the amphi- 
theatre by introducing sufficient water to float ships, 
and by causing the same wretched class that fought 
the wild beasts to represent two rival nations, and to 
fight until one party was actually killed, unless pre- 
served by the clemency of the ruler. 

It must not be supposed that all these exhibitions 
were known in early times, for, in reality, they were 
mostly the fruit of the increased love of pleasure that 
characterized the close of the period of the republic, 
and reached their greatest extravagance only under 
the emperors. 

The departure of a Roman from this world was 
considered an event of great importance, and was 
attended by peculiar ceremonies, some of which 
have been imitated in later times. At the solemn 
moment the nearest relative present tried to catch in 
his mouth the last expiring breath, and as soon as 
life had passed away, he called out the name of the 
departed and exclaimed " Vale ! " (farewell). The 
ring had been previously taken from the finger, and 
now the body was washed and anointed by under- 
takers, who had been called from a place near the 
temple of Venus Libitina, where the names of all 

* History gives an account of one edifice of this kind made of 
wood that fell down owing to imperfect construction, killing many 
thousand spectators, and of another that was destroyed by fire. Pom- 
pey's theatre of stone, built B.C. 55, has already been mentioned 
(page 231). 


who died were registered, and where articles needed 
for funerals were hired and sold.* 

A small coin was placed in the mouth of the 
deceased to pay Charon the ferryman who was to 
take it across the rivers of the lower world, the body 
was laid out in the vestibule, with its feet toward 
the door, wearing the simple toga, in the case of an 
ordinary citizen, or the toga prcetexta in case of a 
magistrate, and flowers and leaves were used for 
decorations as they are at present. If the deceased 
had received a crown for any act of heroism in life, 
it was placed upon his head at death. We have 
already seen that cypress was put at the door to 
express to the passer-by the bereavement of the 
dwellers in the house. If the person had been of 
importance, the funeral was public, and probably it 
would be found that he had left money for the pur- 
pose ; but if he had omitted to do that, the expenses 
of burial would devolve on those who were to inherit 
his property. These charges in case of a poor per- 
son would be but slight, the funeral being celebrated; 
as in the olden times of the republic, at night and 
in a very modest style. 

The master of the funeral, as he was called, 
attended by lictors dressed in black, directed the 
ceremonies in the case of a person of importance. 
On the eighth day the body would be taken to its 
cremation or burial, accompanied by persons wearing 
masks, representing the ancestors of the deceased 

* Libitina was an ancient Italian divinity about whom little is 
known. She has been identified with both Proserpina (the infernal 
goddess of death and queen of the domain of Pluto her husband) and 
with Venus. 


and dressed in the official costumes that had been 
theirs, while before it would be borne the military 
and civic rewards that the deceased had won. 
Musicians playing doleful strains headed the proces- 
sion, followed by hired mourners who united lamen- 
tations with songs in praise of the virtue of the 
departed. Players, buffoons, and liberated slaves 
followed, and of the actors one represented the 
deceased, imitating his v/ords and actions. The 
couch on which the body rested as it was carried 
was often of ivory adorned with gold, and was borne 
by the near relatives or freedmen, though Julius 
Caesar was carried by magistrates and Augustus by 

Behind the body the relatives walked in mourn- 
ing, which was black or dark blue, the sons having 
their heads veiled, and the daughters wearing their 
hair dishevelled, and both uttering loud lamenta- 
tions, the women frantically tearing their cheeks and 
beating their breasts. As the procession passed 
through the forum it stopped, and an oration was 
delivered celebrating the praises of the deceased, 
after which it went on through the city to some 
place beyond the walls where the body was burned 
or buried. We have seen that burial was the early 
mode of disposing of the dead, and that Sulla was 
the first of his gens to be burned.* In case of burn- 
ing, the body was placed on a square, altar-like pile 
of wood, still resting on the couch, and the nearest 
relative, with averted face, applied the torch. As 
the flames rose, perfumes, oil, articles of apparel, 
* See page 197. 


and dishes of food were cast into them. Sometimes 
animals, captives, or slaves were slaughtered on the 
occasion, and, as we have seen, gladiators were hired 
to fight around the flaming pile.* 

When the fire had accomplished its work, and the 
whole was burned down, wine was thrown over the 
ashes to extinguish the expiring embers, and the re- 
mains were sympathetically gathered up and placed 
in an urn of marble or less costly material. A priest 
then sprinkled the ashes with pure water, using a 
branch of olive or laurel, the urn was placed in a 
niche of the family tomb, and the mourning relatives 
and friends withdrew, saying as they went Vale, 
vale ! When they reached their homes they under- 
went a process of purification, the houses themselves 
were swept with a broom of prescribed pattern, and 
for nine days the mourning exercises, which included 
a funeral feast, were continued. In the case of a 
great man this feast was a public banquet, and gladi- 
atorial shows and games were added in some in- 
stances, and they were also repeated on anniversaries 
of the funeral. 

The public buried the illustrious citizens of the 
nation, and those whose estates were too poor to 
pay such expenses ; the former being for a long time 
laid away in the Campus Martius, until the site be- 
came unhealthy, when it was given to Maecenas, 
who built a costly house on it. The rich often 
erected expensive vaults and tombs during their 
own lives, and some of the streets for a long distance 
from the city gate were bordered with ornamental 

* See pages 158 and 210, 



but funereal structures, which must have made the 
traveller feel that he was passing through unending 
burial-places. If a tomb was fitted up to contain 


many funeral ash-urns, it was known as a columba- 
rium, or dove-cote {columba, a dove), the ashes of 
the freedmen and even slaves being placed in niches 


covered by lids and bearing inscriptions. The 
Romans ornamented their tombs in a variety of 
ways, but did not care to represent death in a direct 
manner. The place of burial of a person, even a 
slave, was sacred, and one who desecrated it was 
liable to grave punishment — even to death,— if the 
bodies or bones were removed. Oblations of flowers, 
wine, and milk were often brought to the tombs by 
relatives, and sometimes they were illuminated. 

Almost every country lying under a southern sun 
is accustomed to rejoice at the annual return of flow- 
ers, and ancient Rome was not without its May-day. 
Festivals of the sort are apt to degenerate morally, 
and that, also, was true of the Floralia, as these 
feasts were called at Rome. . It is said that in the 
early age of the republic there was found in the 
Sibylline books a precept commanding the institu- 
tion of a celebration in honor of the goddess Flora, 
who presided over flowers and spring-time, in order 
to obtain protection for the blossoms. The last 
three days of April and the first two of May were 
set apart for this purpose, and then, under the direc- 
tion of the sediles, the people gave themselves up 
to all the delights and, it must be confessed, to many 
of the dissipations of the opening spring. The 
amusements were of a varied character, including 
scenic and other theatrical shows, great merriment, 
feasting, and drinking. Dance and song added to the 
gay pleasures, and flowers adorned the scenes that 
met the eye on every hand. Probably no particular 
deity was honored at these festivals at first. They 
were simply the unbending of the rustics after the 


cold of winter, the rejoicings natural to man in 
spring ; but finally the personal genius of the flowers 
was developed and her name given to the gay festival. 

The rustic simplicity represented well the primal 
homeliness of the nation during the heroic ages ; the 
orgies of the crowded city may be put for the grow- 
ing decay of the later period when, enriched and in- 
toxicated by foreign conquest and maddened by 
civil war, the republic fell, and the way was made 
plain for the great material growth of the empire, as 
well as for the final fall of the vast power that had 
for so many centuries been invincible among the 
nations of the earth; — a power which still stands 
forth in monumental grandeur, and is to-day studied 
for the lessons it teaches and the warnings its history 
utters to mankind. 





Achaea, province of, 166 
Achaean League, the, revived, 163 
Acting, Etruscan, no 
Actium, victory of Agrippa off, 

Actors and masks, 231 
yEdiles, election of, and duties 

of, 79 
^Encas, fabled to have invented 

a game, 325 ; relics of, 14 ; 

story of, 4 ; Virgil's story of, 

7 ; wanderings of, 8 
^Eneid, the, of Virgil, 309 
iEquians, the, come down upon 

the city, 86 ; the, defeated, 87 ; 

war with, 90 
iEsopus, Claudius, the tragic ac- 
tor, 232 
yEtolia ravaged by Rome, 162 
yEtolians, the, claim the victory 

of Cynocephalae, 161 
Africa, Caesar in, 245 ; contest 

between Rome and Carthage 

in, 132 
African gold used at Rome, 176 
Agamemnon, the Trojan hero, 2 
Agrarian law, an, proposed, 119, 

183, 184 ; of Caesar, 226 ; of 

Caius Flaminius, 135 ; of 

Spurius Cassius, 83 
Agrarian laws, the first and last, 

82, 226 
Agriculture, improvement in, 

124 ; the first occupation, 289 ; 

Varro's work on, 301 

Agrigentum taken by Rome, 13c 
Agrippa, Marcus Vipsanius, the 

general, 256 ; conquers the 

forces of Fulvia, 262 ; victory 

off Naulochus by, 264 
Ahenobarbus, Cneius Domitius, 

the tribune, 183 
Aix, Sertorius at the battle of, 

Alba Longa founded, 10 ; chief 

of the Latin League, 34 
Alban lake, the, drained, 95 ; 

rise of, 94 
Alesia, siege of, 229 
Alexander the Great, death of, 

120 ; period of, in 
Alexander I., King of Epirus, 

helps the Tarentines, 120 
Alexandria, Antony and Cleo- 
patra at, 267 ; Rome sends 

ambassadors to, 123 
Alexandrian library, the, burned, 


Alexandrine war, the, 245 

Allia, battle of the, 101 ; terrible 
days of the, brought to mind, 

Allies, favoring the, legally op- 
posed, 187 ; hope only for 
relief by revolution, 187 ; im- 
patient for the franchise, 186 ; 
interests of, identical with 
those of Rome, 216 ; obtain 
concessions, 188 ; position of 
the, 124 

Alps, the, crossed by Hannibal, 


Amalthea, the Sibyl of Cumae, 
comes to Tarquin the Superb, 

Amphitheatre, invention of the, 

Amulius takes his brother's 

throne, 11 
Anchises, father of vEneas, 2 
Ancus Martius, the fourth king, 

Andria, the, of Terence, 298 . 
Andronicus, Livius, the drama- 
tist, 295 ; works of, 310 
Antiochus the Great, allied with 
Philip V., 160; gives Hanni- 
bal an asylum, 148 ; war with, 
Antiquities, the Book of, by 

Varro, 302 
Antium, naval battle off, 116 
Antony, Marc, at the Luper- 
calia, 313; chief man in Rome, 
252 ; defeats Cassius, and takes 
the East as his domain, 261 ; 
endeavors to defame Cicero, 
258 ; failing fortunes of, 263 ; 
flees to Caesar, 232, 240 ; left 
in charge of Italy, 243 ; moves 
the people, 252 ; offers Caesar 
the crown, 248 ; opposes the 
plans of Octavius, 257 ; oration 
over Caesar's body, 251 ; papers 
of, burned, 270 ; possessed of 
Caesar's moneys, 256 ; takes 
possession of Caesar's papers, 
251 ; warned against the wiles 
of Cleopatra, 267 
Antony and Cleopatra, suicides 

of, 268 
Apellicon of Teos, library of, 

Apollo, shrine of, at Delphi, 60 
Apollonia, Octavius at, 255 
Apollonius of Alabanda, sur- 
named Molo, the rhetorician, 
Appian Way, the, 124 
Apii Forum, Horace at, 265 
Appuleian laws, the, supported 
by Marius, 185 

Appuleins, see Saturninus, 185 

Apulia, war in, 117 

Aquae Sextise, victory of Marius 
over the Celts at, 18 1 

Aqueducts, building of, 159 

Aquitania, subjection of, 229 

Arausio, rout of the Romans at, 

Arcadia, land of innocence and 
virtue, 9 

Arcadian happiness in the North, 

Archagathus, the first physician, 

Archimedes at the fall of Syra- 
cuse, 144 

Ardea, the army before, 62 

Arena, meaning of the word, 128 

Aricia, Horace at the inn at, 265 

Ariminum, an army sent to, 136 ; 
Caesar's advance to, 240 ; situ- 
ation of, 238 

Ariovistus defeated by Caesar, 

Aristocracy, the, Pompey's rup- 
ture with, 212 

Aristocratic character of the 
populus Romanus, 73 

Aristocrats at head of govern- 
ment, 212 ; defined, 170 

Aristotle, knowledge of, brought 
to Rome, 192 

Armor of the different classes, 52 

Army, the, largely composed of 
plebeians, 115 

Arnold, Dr., on the second Punic 
war, 138 ; on the Roman char- 
acter, 118 

Arsia, battle at, 65 

Art, backward in Rome, 71 ; not 
appreciated by Cicero, 204 ; 
theft of Verres of works of, 

Art-rooms added to the house, 

As, the unit of weight or meas- 
ure, 51 

Ascanius founds Alba Longa, 10 

Asculum, battle at, 122 ; effect 
of, on Carthage, 123 


Asia, province of, 166 ; con- 
quered by Brutus and Cassius, 
261 ; conquests of Rome in, 
162 ; Pompey's power in, 220 ; 
the early home of the Gauls, qg 

Asiaticus, a name of Scipio, 162 

Assassination of Drusus, 186 

Assemblies dispersed by the 
augurs, 319 

Assembly, the National, forma- 
tion of, 50 

Astrology flourishes, 318 

Astronomy, Caesar's knowledge 
of, 247 

Asylaeus, the god, 20 

Asylum, founding an, at Rome, 

Atellantz Fabulce, the, 298 

Ater, days marked, in the calen- 
dar, 85, 101, 283 ; the day of 
the defeat at Arausio, 184 

Athenians, the, favor light ships 
of war, 131 

Athens, besieged by Sulla, 190 ; 
commission sent to, 88 

Atia, mother of Augustus, 255 

Atlantic, blessed islands in the, 

Atrium, the, 272, 274, 278 

Attalus, king of Pergamos, an 
ally of Rome, 160 ; bequeaths 
his kingdom to the Romans, 
166, 171 

Atticus, life of, written by Ne- 
pos, 309 

Atys, the old hero, 255 

Aufidus, the river, 143 

Augural banquets, luxury of, 289 

Augurs, duplicity of, 319 ; ex- 
amine the Sibylline Books, 59 

Augury, the system of, 16 

Augustine, St., makes use of 
Varro's work, 302 

Augustus, parentage of, 255. 
(See Octavius.) 

Auspices, become subjects of 
jests, 319 ; taking the, 16 1 

Authorship, beginning of, 293 

Autocracy, movements toward 
an, 198 

Aventine Hill, the, 12 ; assigned 
to the plebeians, 37, 77, 88, 



Bacchus, worship of, 319 
Bachelors in early Rome, 21 
Banquets, the augural, 289 j 

luxury of the augural, 289 
Barbarians threaten Rome, 18 1 
Bathing in Rome, 277 
Battles, sham, in the circus, 325 
Bed, made of sheepskin, 280 
Beginnings of nations, 5 
Belgians, the, subjected by 

Caesar, 227 
Belly and members, apologue 

about, 78 
Beneventum, battle near, 1:7; 

defeat of Pyrrhus at, 123 ; 

head of the Calydonian boar 

at, 13 ; Horace at, 265 
Biga, the, in the races, 324 
Birds, augury by, 17 
Birth and party, 212 
Black day, the, of the Cremara, 

85 ; of the Allia, 101 
Boarium, Forum, situation of, 

Body and its members, the, 

apologue about, 73 
Bohemia, Gauls in, 99 
Bologna, meeting of Octavius, 

Antony, and Lepidus near, 

Bona Dea y mysteries of, 223 
Book-rooms added to the house, 

Books, how made, 277 
Boreas and his cold winds, 98 
Boundaries, laws concerning, 30 
Bovianum taken by the Romans, 

Breakfast, luncheon, and dinner, 

Brennus, leader of the Gauls, 

trusts in his sword, 100 ; burns 

Rome, 102 ; throws his sword 

into the scales, 104 
Bribery, law against, 184 


Bribes, in Rome, 176 ; Caesar's 

use of, 227 
Brides, customs regarding, 2S3 
Bridge-builders, 32 
Bridge, the wooden {pons sub- 

licius), 32, 3S ; Gracchus flees 

over the, 174 
Brindisi, 9 

Britain visited by Caesar, 228 
Brundusium, on the Appianway, 

124 ; besieged by Antony, 263 ; 

besieged by Csesar, 243 ; Oc- 

tavius at, 255 
Brutlium, gladiators in, 21 1 
Brutus and Cassius flee from 

Rome, 252 ; masters of the 

Eastern world, 260 
Brutus, D. Tunius, funeral of, 

Brutus, great-grandson of yEneas, 

Brutus, Lucius Junius, goes to 
Delphi, 60 ; swears to avenge 
Lucretia, 63 ; death and 
mourning for, 65-66 
Brutus, Marcus Junius, plots 
against Caesar, 249 ; suicide 
of, 261 
Buffoonery instead of wit, no 
Buffoons at a dinner, 265 
Burial of two couples alive in the 

Forum Boarium, 136 
Burial-places sacred, 331 

Caedicius, Marcus, the tribune, 
hears a startling voice, 100 

Caepio, Quintus Servilius, ill- 
gotten gains of, 184 

Csesar, Caius Julius, birth and 
character of, 206 ; assassina- 
tion of, 231 ; beneficent plans 
of, 246 ; builds the first amphi- 
theatre, so called, 325 ; called 
Father of his Country, 246 ; 
captured by pirates, 217 ; 
clemency of, 243, 245, 249, 
250 ; commentaries of, 302 ; 
cro.-ses the Rubicon, 240 ; 

death of, announced to Octa- 
vius, 255 ; made dictator lor 
ten years after Thapsus, 246 ; 
eclipses Pompey, 230 ; goes to 
Spain, 248 ; governor of Gaul, 
226 ; in Asia, 245 ; in Greece. 
244 ; intrigues against Pompey, 
221 ; magical power of, 228 ; 
a Marian, 207 ; marries a rela- 
tive of Pompey, 216 ; obse- 
quies of, 251 ; offers to give 
up his command, 238 ; over- 
comes the Pompeians in Spain, 
2 43 » popularity with his army, 
235 ; refuses the crown, 249 ; 
resists Sulla, 206 ; silent prog- 
ress of, 224 ; will of, 252, 254 

Calendar, the Roman, 32, 33; 
jugglery regarding, 236 ; the, 
reformed, 247 

Camillus, Marcus Furius, dicta- 
tor, 95 ; dictator the second 
time, IC2 ; needed, 100 ; re- 
called from exile, 102 ; reac- 
tion against, 97 ; routs the 
Gauls, 104 ; saves the state a 
third time, 109 ; the second 
founder of Rome, 106 

Campania inhabited by the Sam- 
nites, 114 ; servile insurrection 
in, 1 S3 

Campania and Capua regained, 

Campus Martius, assembly of the 
centuries on, 54 

Canal, the, at Tarracina, 265 ; 
travel by the, 290 

Candidates for office, wiles of, 290 

Cannce, avenged at the Metaurus, 
146; dark days after, 150; 
rout of the Romans at, 143 

Canuleian Law, the, 92 

Canuleius, Caius, urges the re- 
peal of a marriage law, 92 

Canusium, Hannibal at, 146 ; 
Horace at, 266 

Canvassing for office, 290 

Capital punishment, law regard- 
ing, 223 

Capitol, the, burning of, 193 


Capitoline Hill, citadel on the, 23; 
origin of name of, 59 ; temple 
of the, finished by Catulus, 208 

Capua declares for Hannibal, 
143 ; legions of Pompey and 
Caesar sent to, 237 ; luxury at, 
115 ; revolt at, 245 ; school of 
gladiators at, 209 

Capua and Campania regained, 

Carbo, Caius Papirius, friend of 
the Gracchi, 172 

Carneades visits Rome, 319 

Carrhae, disaster at, 248 ; loss of 
Crassus at, 234 

Carriages prohibited to women at 
a certain time, 150 

Carthage, first notices Rome, 1 1 1 ; 
adds to its territory, T39 ; asks 
in vain for peace, 132 ; growth 
of, 126 ; meaning of the name, 
127 ; commerce of, 127 ; con- 
gratulates Rome on the victory 
of Mt. Gaurus, 115 ; naval 
prestige of, destroyed, 131 ; 
on her guard against Rome, 
129; recovers lost ground, 165; 
sends a fleet to help Rome, 123; 
tributary to Rome, 147 

Carthaginians, defeated at the 
Metaurus, 146 ; expelled from 
Messana, 130; in Sicily, 123 

Cassius and Brutus flee from 
Rome, 252 ; masters of the 
Eastern world, 260, 261 

Cassius, Spurius, friend of the 
people, 82 ; popularity of, 
blasted, 84 

Cassius, suicide of, 261 ; see 
Longinus, 249 

Castor and Pollux, festival in 
honor of, 68 ; interfere for 
Rome, 67 

Catilina, the work of Sallust, 305 

Catiline, Lucius Sergius, con- 
spiracy of, 205, 221 ; flees 
from Rome, 222 ; traits of, 204 

Cato, Marcus Porcius, conserva- 
tive views of, 152 ; eggs the 
Romans against Carthage, 165; 

intercedes for the captive 
Achaeans, 164 ; manual of ed- 
ucation of, 293 ; model of 
Brutus, 250 ; on foreign doc- 
tors, 294 ; on the care of chil- 
dren, 284 ; on the duplicity 
of the augurs, 319 ; opposes 
Scipio, 156 

Cato, Marcus Porcius, of Utica, 
a determined enemy of Caesar, 
234 ; defeat and death of, 245 ; 
flees from Rome, 242 ; opposes 
Pompey, 22 r 

Catulus and Hortensius defeated 
by Cicero, 219 

Catulus, Quintus Lutatius, con- 
sul and aristocrat, 207 ; op- 
poses the Cimbri, 182 

Catullus, Valerius, writings of, 

Caudine Forks, battle of the, 117 

Celer kills a man, 20 

Celeres, the body-guard of Rom- 
ulus, 27 

Celerity, Plutarch's derivation of, 

Celts and Germans threaten 
Rome, 181 

Censors, appointment of, 49 ; 
power of, limited by Sulla, 195 ; 
rank of, 93 

Census, taken by consuls, 93; 
taking of, by Servius Tullius, 

Centuries, the formation of the, 

Ceremonies, increase of, 317 
Ceres, goddess of agriculture, 79 ; 

the Greek Demeter, 314 
Chaldea, astrology of, 319 
Chance, games of, 320 
Chariot-races, 323 
Charon, coin to pay, 327 
Charran, the city of Nahor, 234 
Childhood, plays of, 320 
Children and the control of them, 

Chimneys not known, 279 
China and Egypt, antiquity of. 4 
Cicero, Marcus Tullius, traits of, 


202 ; causes conspirators to be 
put to death, 223 ; correspond- 
ence of, 237 ; courted on ac- 
count of his oratory, 216 ; 
courts Pompey, 221 ; exposes 
Catiline, 222 ; first oration be- 
fore the people, 219 ; lauds 
Labienus, 242 ; leader of the 
senate, 251 ; outlawed, 224 ; 
proscription of, 260 ; prose- 
cutes Verres, 204, 216; re- 
marks of Froude concerning, 
257 ; a rhetorical victory of, 
219 ; says that he expected 
Curio to desert to Caesar, 237 ; 
unmanliness of, 223 ; won by 
Octavius, 256 ; the works of, 
299, 300 

Cilicia, Verres in, 203 

Cimbri, the, enter Central Eu- 
rope, 181 

Ciminian Hills, the, battle near, 

Cincinnatus, Lucius Quintius, 
career of, 86 ; at his plow, 

Cineas, the Thessalian, minister 
of Pyrrhus, 121 ; goes to 
Rome to sue for peace, 122 

Cinna, Lucius Cornelius, takes 
part with Marius, 190 ; assas- 
sinated, 193 ; marches on 
Rome, 190 

Circus Maximus, the, 44 ; great 
games of the, 322 ; origin of 
the word, 223 ; situation of, 
136 ; the single one, 158 

City, rites at the foundation of a, 
18, 19 

Class distinctions weakened, 212 

Classes, of people in Italy, 124; 
the six, of Servius Tullius, 50 

Claudia, daughter of Fulvia, re- 
nounced by Octavius, 262 

Claudius, Appius, Sabinus Reg- 
illensis, 68 ; decemvir, 88 ; 
influence of, 89 ; origin of, 
68 ; protests against peace 
with Pyrrhus, T22 ; wicked- 
ness of, 91 

Clausus, Atta, founder of the 

Claudian house, 68 
Cleopatra captivates Antony, 

262 ; war against, by Octavius, 

268 ; wins Caesar, 244 ; with. 

Antony in Syria, 267 
Cloaca Maxima, the, built, 44 •, 

situation of, 136 
Clodius, Publius, Pulcher, 224 ; 

intrigue of, 223 
Cloth made by wives and daugh- 
ters, 284 
Clusium, attacked by the Gauls, 

99 ; defeat of the Romans 

near, 136 ; Porsena, Lars, of, 

Coccles, Horatius, defends the 

wooden bridge, 66 
Ccelian Hill, the, assigned to the 

Albans, 36 
Ccena, the Roman dinner, 288 
Cohorts, the Marsic, meaning of, 

Collatinus, husband of Lucretia, 

Collections, penny, 318 
Colline Gate, battle at the, 193, 

Colonies, citizens in the, 124 ; in 

the West, relation of Sertorius 

to, 199 ; of Carthage, 128 
Colosseum, the, 325, 
Columbarium, the, 330 
Comitia, election of consulsby, 64 
Comitia Centuriata, formation of, 

Comitia Curiata, rights of, 28, 

223 ; not abolished by Servius 

Tullius, 52 
Commentaries, the, of Caesar,, 

226, 302 
Commerce begins in Rome, 71 ; 

increase of, 124 
Commons, a king from the, 48 : 

rights of, swept away, 58 
Concord, temple of, scene of 

Cicero's oratory, 258 
Conference at Tarentum, 264 
Confiscation of the property of 

Cicero, 224 


Confiscations of Verres, 203 
Confusion, year of, 248 
Congiarium, the, of Sulla, 196 
Conquest, consequences of, 333 ; 
meaning of, in the early times, 
87 ' 
Conservatism, the, of Cato, 156 
Consulate obtained by Octavius, 

Consuls, choice of, after the 
banishment of the Tarquins, 
64 ; endowed with dictatorial 
powers, 240 ; the first ple- 
beian, 109 
Consus, celebration in honor of, 
by Romulus, 21 ; festival of, 
Copper found in Italian soil, 71 
Corfinum chosen by the allies as 

capital of Italy, 187 
Corinth, growth of, 39 ; taken by 
the Romans, sacked and pil- 
laged, 164 
Coriolanus, Caius Marcius, at 
Lake Regillus, 68; as an office- 
seeker, 290 ; banishment and 
death of, 82 ; origin of name 
of, 80 
Cornelia, daughter of Scipio, 
167 ; jewels of, 168 ; urges 
Gracchus to do some great 
work, 170 
Cornelia, wife of Caesar, 206 
Cornelian gens bury their dead, 

Cornelians, name of the veterans 

of Sulla, 196 ; the, headed by 

Catiline, 207 
Correspondence, the, of Cicero, 

2 99 
Corruption in the provinces, 216 ; 

in the state, 174 
Corsica and Sardinia taken from 

Carthage, 134 
Corvus, Marcus Valerius, aided 

by a raven, 113 ; victorious at 

Mount Gaurus, 114 
Cothurnus, use of, 286 
Courses at dinner, 288 
Crassus, Marcus Licinius, Dives, 

thrifty ways of, 200 ; makes 
peace with Pompey, 214; 
feasts the people, 216 ; jealous 
of Pompey, 214, 217 ; opposes 
Pompey, 221 ; rewarded by 
Caesar, 226 

Crassus and Pompey exterminate 
the gladiators, 211 

Crassus, Caesar, and Pompey, 

Cremara, battle of the, 85 

Cremation, the, of Sulla's body, 

Cremation or burial, 327, 328 
Cremona, colony at, 136 
Crime, increase of, makes a 

prison neeessary, 38 
Critolaus visits Rome, 319 
Crown, the oaken, awarded, 68 
Crucifixion of gladiators, 211 
Culina, the, 278 
Cumae, relics at, 14 ; the Sibyl 

of, 59 
Cures, home of Numa, 29 
Curio, Caius Scribonius, a par- 
tisan of Caesar, 235 ; delivers 
a letter in Rome, 238 ; invents 
the amphitheatre, 325 
Curses of the ambassadors from 

Veii fulfilled, 102 
Curtius, idea of substitution in- 
volved in the story of, 317 
Curtius, Marcus, no 
Curtius, Mettus, story of, 24 
Cybele, the Idaean mother, 153 
Cydnus, Cleopatra on the, 262 
Cynocephalae, Macedonians de- 
feated at the, 160 
Cypress, the, a sign of sorrow, 

Cypselus, birth of, 40 

Dance and song at the Floralia, 


Death and funerals, 326 

Death, law regarding punish- 
ment of, 223 

Debtor, a desperate, excites the 
people, 75 


Debtors, release of, 78 ; trials of, 

Debts, abolished to afford relief 
to the poor, 119 ; burdens of, 
after the burning of the city, 
115; pressing heavily, 119; 
the, of Curio, 235 

Decemvirs, take the place of 
other officers, 88 ; haughtiness 
of, 90 

Deities, the, of early Rome, 72 

Delayer, the (Fabius), 139. 

Delphi, the oracle at, 39, 60 ; 
consulted about the rise of 
Alban Lake, 94 

Demaratus goes to Tarquinii, 40 

Demosthenes, Phillippics of, 

Dentatus, see Sicinius, 90 
Diana, temple to, on the Aven- 

tine, 48 
Dice, games with, 321 
Dictator, a, appointed, 67 ; 

office of, renewed by Sulla, 

194 ; Fabius, chosen, 142 
" Die is cast," the, exclamation 

of Csesar, 241 
Dining-room, the, 276 
Dinner, the formal, 289 ; how 

served, 289 ; luncheon and 

breakfast, 288 
Diogenes visits Rome, 319 
Diomede, arms of, at Luceria, 14 
Discus, throwing the, 325 
Dishes at dinner, 289 
Distinctions, political, between 

the two orders wiped out, 109 
Dives, a name of Crassus, 22, 

Dogs as guardians, 274 
Dolls, the, of Roman girls, 320 
Domestic slaves, 282 
Domitian law, the, 183 
Domitius, see Ahenobarbus, 183 
Drains, the great, of Tarquin, 44 
Drama, the earliest, 296 ; growth 

of the, 158 
Dramatic exhibitions prohibited, 

Dress among the Romans, 285 

Drusus, Marcus Livius, the op- 
ponent of Gracchus, 174 ; at- 
tempts reform, 186 ; remark of, 
about his house, 187 
Duilius, Caius, defeats the Car- 
thaginians, 131 
Duria, Hannibal in the valley 

of the, 140 
Dwelling, an expensive, 200 
Dwellings poor in early days, 71 
Dyrrachium, defeat of Caesar at, 

Economus, point of departure of 

Regulus, 132 ; battle of, 132 
Education, the early, in Rome, 

292 ; efforts of Sertorius for, 

199 ; the, of Horace, 307 
Egeria, the nymph that Numa 

pretended to meet, 32 
Egg to the apple, from the, 288 
Egnatia, route of the road, 261 
Egypt, ambassadors sent to, 123 ; 

antiquity of, 4 
Elephants, introduced by Pyr- 

rhus, 120 ; use of, by Xanthip- 

pus, 132 
Elpenor, tomb of, 14 
Elysium, the, of Plato, 200 
Emigration, the, of Demaratus 

from Corinth, 40 
Empire, establishment of, 270 ; 

material growth of the, 332 ; 

tendency towards an, 198 
Ennius, works of, 296 
Epeus, tools of, 13 
Epicurus, philosophy of, ex- 
hibited by Lucretius, 304 
Equites, the (knights), 28 
Era, beginning of a new, 212, 

Ercte, Mount, Hamilcar at, 134 
Eryx, Hamilcar at, 134 
Esquiline Hill, concentration of 

freedmen on, 168 ; house of 

Maecenas on, 311 
Etruria, customs derived from, 

18; twelve cities of, 9; visit 


of Gracchus to, and its results, 

l6 9 
Etruscan acting, imitation of, 

2 9 8 ' 
Etruscans, civilization of, 42 ; 

names of the, 15 ; defeated at 

Lake Vadimonis, 117 ; in the 

Marsic war, 187 ; weakened by 

the Gauls, 99 ; Greek descent 

of the, 9 ; peace with the, 122 ; 

and Romans fight, 65 ; take 

sides with the Samnites, 117 

Evander, the good king, 9 

Exile, punishment of, 201 

Exiles recalled by Antony, 254 

Expediency, doctrine of, opposed 

by Cato, 319 

Fabian family, the, cut off, 85 
Fabii, the followers of Remus, 

17 ; destruction of the, 101 ; 

the, overthow Cassius, 84 
Fabius, Marcus, takes the part 

of the plebeians, 84 
Fabius Maximus, see Maximus, 

117; career of, 145, 146; 

looks askance at Scipio, 156 ; 

regains Campania, 144 
Fabius, the Delayer, see Maxi- 
mus, 139 
Fables of early history, 5, 8 
Family, Vesta, goddess of the, 

Famine in Rome, 80 
Farces, the early rude, 298 
Father, autocratic authority of 

the, 71, 282 
Father of his country, title borne 

by Camillus, Cicero, and 

Caesar, 246 
Faustulus finds Romulus and 

Remus, 12 
Fawn, the white, of Sertorius, 

Felix, the lucky, title assumed 

by Sulla, 195 
Festivals, great cost of, 322 ; 

slow growth of, 158 
Fidense mined, 94 

Finances administered by the 
censors, 93 

Fire and water, symbolical 
meaning of, 291 

Flamens, the, 32 

Flaminian road, the, 238 

Flamininus, Lucius Quintus, 
commands the Roman army in 
Greece, 160 

Flaminius, Caius, killed at lake 
Trasimenus, 142 

Flogging in school, 307 

Flora, festival of the goddess, 33 J 

Floralia, the, 33 

Food, Greek influence on, 287 

Fortune, Feminine, temple to, 

Forum, opening in the earth in 
the, no ; women in the, 152 

Forum Romanum, meeting-p^ce 
of Romans and Sabines, 26 

Founding of Rome the second 
time, 106 

Franchise, how obtained by 
allies, 188 ; restriction of the, 
by Gracchus, 168 

Freedmen, and other citizens, 
difference between, 188 ; gath- 
ered on the Esquiline, 168 ; 
replaced by slaves in Sicilian 
fields, 166 

Froude, James Anthony, on Cice- 
ro, 257 

Fulvia, widow of Clodius and 
wife of Antony and Curio, 235; 
opposes Octavius and is de- 
feated by his general, Agrip- 
pa, 262; wife of Antony, for- 
gotten by him, 262 ; death 
of, 263 

Funeral ceremonies, 326 ; fights 
of gladiators, 158, 210; ora- 
tion over the body of Caesar, 

Funeral, the, of Sulla, 197 
Furies, temple of the, 174 

Gabii, schools at, 16 
Gabinian law, the, 218 


Gabinius the tribune, 218 

Gallia Cisalpina, boundaries of, 
123 ; provincia, 166 

Gambling, 321 

Games, at the Circus Maximus, 
44 ; celebrated by Romulus, 
21, 22 ; the Roman, 321 ; of 
the children, 320 ; a law re- 
garding, 150 

Gastronomy, epoch in, 289 

Gaul, assigned to Caesar, 228 ; 
Caesar governor of, 226 ; con- 
quest of, 229 

Gauls, aid the Etruscans against 
Rome, 118 ; alarmed by the 
approach of Roman settlers, 

135 ; annihilated at Telamon , 
136 ; attack Rome, 108 ; 
climb the Capitoline, 103 ; 
come to Italy, 99 ; flock 
to Hannibal, 140 ; habits of 
the, 98 ; havoc by increased 
hardships of poor debtors, 109; 
neglect Hannibal, 142 ; routed 
at Aquae Sextiae by Marius, 
181 ; territory gained from 
the, 135 

Gaurus, battle of Mount, 114 
Germans and Celts threaten 

Rome, 181 
Ghosts, exorcising the, 316 
Gladiatorial exhibition, the first, 

136 ; great cost of, 322 
Gladiators at funerals, 158, 329 ; 

classes of, 209 ; fight at com- 
mand of Caesar, 246 ; fights of, 
209 ; fights of, in Pompey's 
theatre, 232 ; rising of, under 
Spartacus, 210 

Gods, Roman belief in, 312 ; 
honored in the farm-house, 281 ; 
traits of the, 317 

Gold of Tolosa (ill-gotten gains), 

Gold supposed to have been taken 
from Brennus, 243 

Golden age, the, of Numa, 33 

Government, stages of, in early 
Rome, 72 

Governor, a provincial, 203, 222 

Gracchi, the, 168; reforms of, ap- 
parently practicable, 184 

Gracchus, Cams, death of, 174 ; 
misses an opportunity, 171 ; 
popularity of, 172 

Gracchus, Tiberius, becomes 
husband of Cornelia, 167 ; 
goes to Africa, 168 ; murder of, 
171 ; not understood, 172 

Gradivus, Mars, delights in war, 


Grcecia, Magna, contributes to 

Roman culture, 295, 296 
Grain, distributed by Crassus, 
216 ; free, promised by Lepi- 
dus, 208 ; Pompey pretends to 
seek supplies of, 227 ; price of, 
falls, 218 ; proposal to sell, at 
nominal prices, 185 ; rise of 
price of, 264 ; sold at low rates 
by Gracchus, 173 ; supply of, 
threatened, 217 
Grammar, Varro's work on, 301 
Greece, commission sent to learn 
about its laws, 88 ; decadence 
of, 158 ; fall of the liberties of , 
165 ; influence of, 152 ; influ- 
ence of, on Latin literature, 
319 ; philosophy of, enters 
Rome, 319 ; a Roman pro- 
vince, 165 ; tyrranny in, 72 
Grecian influence on food, 287 ; 

on mental culture, 292 
Greek art not appreciated, 204 
Greeks, names of the, 15 
Gregorian calendar, the, 247 
Guilds, institution of, by Numa, 

Gymnasts in Pompey's theatre, 



Hadrumentum, Hannibal asks 

terms at, 147 
Hamilcar Barca, comes upon the 

stage, 133 ; defeated by Regu- 

lus off Economus, 132 
Hannibal, appears, 137; demands 

war, 140 ; fate of, 148 ; great- 


ness of, 138 ; neglected, 142 ; 
policy of, 142 ; returns to Af- 
rica, 147 ; successes of, 143, 
144 ; and Vercingetorix com- 
pared, 229 
Hasdrubal, despatches of, inter- 
cepted, 146 ; tries to aid Han- 
nibal, 146 
Heating and lighting the houses, 

Heautonhmoroumenos, the, of 

Terence, 299 
Helen, story of, 2 
Heliodorus the Greek rhetorician , 

Helvetii, the, conquered by Ccx> 

sar, 227 
" Hercules, how cold are thy 

baths," 180 
Hercules, weapons of, 13 
Hercynian forests, the, 99 
Herodotus goes to Phoenicia, 127 
Heroes, the age of, 66 
Hiero, king of Syracuse, 129; 
makes permanent peace with 
Rome, 130 
Hills, the " Seven," 49 
Hippodrome, the, at a villa, 281 
History, fables of early, 5 ; made 
up of acts of fighting men, 271 
Holidays, but one, 158 
Holy of Holies, the, examined 

by Pompey, 221 
Homer's story of Troy, 1 
Horace and Virgil, journey of, 

Horace (Quintus Horatius Flac- 
cus), works of, 306 ; at Taren- 
tum, 264 
Horatii and Curiatii, the, 34 
Horse-racing in the circus, 323 
Horse, the wooden, of Troy, 2 
Hortensian laws, 109, 119 
Hortensius, Quintus, the orator, 
defends Verres, 204 ; augural 
dinner of, 289 ; defeated by 
Cicero, 219 
Hospitality in the farm villa, 280 
Hostilius, Hostus, champion of 
Rome, 24 

Houses in Rome, 272 
Huckle-bones, games with, 320 
Hungary, Gauls in, 99 
Hyperboreans, the, as depicted 
by the Greeks, 98 


Icilian law, the, 88 
Icilius, Lucius, affianced to Vir- 
ginia, 90 ; stirs up the people, 

Ideal, the, no leaning toward, at 

Rome, 158 
Ides of March, the fatal, 250 
Illyria added to Roman domin- 
ions, 135 
Insvoections, servile, 175 
Interest, rates of, 74 ; rate of, 

lowered, 270 
Intermarriage, right of, 93 
Islands of the blest, 199 
Isthmian games, the, joy at, 161 
Italia, early inhabitants of, 9 
Italians, citizenship offered to 
the, 184 ; suffrage extended to, 
173 ; lands to be divided 
among, 185 
Italy and Persia contrasted by 

Livy, 112 
Italy, early state of, 9 ; filled 
with complaints, 262 ; devas- 
tated by Pyrrhus, 122 ; laid 
waste by gladiators, 211 

Janiculum Hill, secession to the, 

92, 119 ; fortified, 37 
January made the first month, 32 
Janus, temple of, founded, 32 ; 

gates of, closed the second 

time, 134 ; third closing of, 

Jewels, the, of Cornelia, 168 
Jewish, temple examined by 

Pompey, 220 
Judges, corruption of, 175 
Jugerum, the standard of square 

measure, 71 


Jugglery of the priests, 319 

Jugurtna, the Numidian, at Nu- 

mantia, 175 ; endeavors to gain 

control of Numidia, 176 ; war 

with, closed, 180 

Jugiirtha, the work of Sallust, 

Julia, wife of Pompey, dies, 234 
Julian calendar, the, 247 
July named for Caesar, 246 
Junia, wife of Cassius, 250 
Jupiter, prayer to, 19 ; among 

the deities, 314 
lupiter Stator, temple vowed to, 

Jurisprudence, epoch in, 119 
(ustice and injustice confounded, 

Justinian codifies Roman law, 


King, suspicions that Caesar 
wished to be, 249 ; name of, 
hated by the Romans, 69, 171, t 

Kings, characters of the seven, 

Kitchen fire at Beneventum, de- 
scribed by Horace, 266 

Kitchen, the Roman, 278 

Labienus, Titus, deserts Caesar, 

Lacerna, the, 2S6 

Lacus Curtius, origin of, 24 

Lake, Alban, rise of, 94 ; Trasi- 
menus, battle of, 142 ; Vadi- 
monis, second battle near, 119 ; 
victory at, 117 

Lanatus, Menenius Agrippa, 
treats with the plebeians, 78 ; 
death of, 79 

Land, distributed among the peo- 
ple, 119 ; divided among 
patricians, 96 ; in the hands of 
the rich, 184 

Landholders becoming few 184 

Lands, allotment of, to vet- 
erans, 261, 262 ; assignment 
of, stopped by the optimates, 
174; derived from the Gauls 
divided among the people, 83, 
135 ; distribution of, among 
the people, by Servius Tullius, 
55 ; divided among the people 
by Numa, 30 ; another dis- 
tribution of, 226 ; proposed 
division of, by Marius, 185 ; 
taken by the rich, 169 ; taken 
from the rich, 170; wealth 
derived from illegal use of, 
83, 84 
Language, improvement in, 159 
Languages, education in the, 199 
Lares and Penates, the, 315 
Lateranus, Lucius Sextius. See 

Latin name, the, 125 
Latins, dependent upon Rome, 
116 ; determine to fight for 
equality, 115 ; invade the 
Roman territory, 37 
Latinus, the Italian king, 10 
Latium, leagues with the thirty 

cities of, 48 ; size of, 70 
Latrunculi, game of (draughts), 

Lavinia, wife of /Eneas, 10 
Lavinium, the town of yEneas., 

10 : penates of ^Eneas at, 14 
Law, agrarian, the first, 83 ; be- 
ginning of the study of, 159; 
the Appuleian, 185 ; the Canu- 
leian, 92 ; the Domitian, 1S3 ; 
the Gabinian, 217 ; the Hor- 
tensian, 109, 119; the Icilian, 
88 ; the Licinian, 109 ; the 
Manilian, 219; the Oppian, 
150; the Publilian, 109; the 
Sempronian, 173 ; proposal to 
codify, 246 ; principles of the 
Roman, 291 
Law and punishment, 291 ' 
Laws, made by the rich oppres- 
sive to the poor, 74 ; mixed con- 
dition of, 88 ; sumptuary, en- 
acted, IQ5 


League, the Achaean, revived, 

Leclisternium, the, performed 

the third time, 109 
Legion, composition of the, 28 
Legislation influenced by omens, 


Lemuria, the, 316 

Leniency of Caesar, 243, 245 

Lepidus, Marcus iEmilius, left 
in charge of Rome, 243 ; at 
head of the army, 251, 256 ; 
consul, favors the Marians, 
207 ; ignored by the other tri- 
umvirs, 261 ; marches to 
Rome, 208 ; protests against 
Sulla's grand funeral, 197 ; 
put to flight, 208 ; retires to 
private life, 266 

Letters, how taught to children, 
295 ; patronage of, by Maece- 
nas, 311 

Libitina, Venus, temple of, 326, 


Library, the Alexandrian, burn- 
ed, 245 ; the, of Apellicon, 
brought to Rome, 192 

Libyssa, place of Hannibal's 
death, 148 

Licinian Rogations, the, passed, 
109 ; remembered by Grac- 
chus, 169 ; reestablished, 170 

Life in Rome, 320 ; in a v rural 
house, 280 

Lilybaeum, point of departure of 
Scipio, 146 ; siege of, 133 

Literature, backward, 71 ; Cice- 
ro's works, 202 ; in Greece, 
158 ; none in Rome, 158 

Litter, travel in a, 290 

Livy (Titus Livius), writings of, 
306 ; history of Rome by, 7 ; 
account of a desperate debtor, 
75 ; on the character of Alex- 
ander, in ; on Roman his- 
tory, 13 ; on the second Punic 
war, 138 ; on stage plays, no ; 
story of Mettus Curtius, 25 

Longinus, Cains Cassius, plots 
against Caesar, 249 

Lucania, entered by the Sam- 
nites, 117; overcome, 145 

Lucanians and Tarentines, war 
between, 120 

Lucca, conference at, 227 

Lucius Tarquinius, birth of, 41 ; 
goes to Rome, 41 

Lucomo (Lucius Tarquinius), 41 

Lucretia, story of, 62 ; at her 
work, 71 

Lucretius (Titus Lucretius Ca- 
rus), works of, 303 

Lucullus, Lucius Licinius, sent 
to Pontus, 218 

Lupercalia, fatal feast of, 248, 

Lupercus, feast of, 312 

Lustration, the, 54 

Lustrum, duration of a, 54 

Luxury, increase of, 186 ; ten- 
dency towards, 152 


Macedonia, king of, attacked by 
Pyrrhus, 120 

Macedonian war, the first, T59, 
160 ; the second, 162 ; the 
third (with Perseus), 163 

Maecenas, Caius Cilnius, at Ta- 
rentum, 264 ; builds a house 
on the Campus Martius, 329 ; 
in command at Rome, 268 ; 
patronizes Horace, 307 ; traits 
of, 311 ; villa of, 282 

Magistrates, laws against pecula- 
tion by, 184 

Magna Graecia, decadence of, 
117 ; growth of, 39 ; influence 
of, 152 ; Samnites enter, 114 

Magnesia, Roman victory at, 162 

Maleventum, old name of Bene- 
ventum, 117 ; change of name 
of, 123 

Mamers, a form of " Mars," J 29 

Mamertine prison, the, built by 
Ancus Martius, 38 ; Jugurtha 
starved in, 180 

Mamertines, call on Rome for as- 
sistance, 129 ; rise of the, 129 


Mamilius, Octavius, of Tuscu- 

lum, 58 ; aids Tarquin, 67 
Manes, the, supposed to like 

blood, 158 
Manilian law, the, 219, 220 
Manlius, Marcus, hurled from 
the Tarpeian rock, 108 ; re- 
pels the Gauls, 103 ; takes the 
part of the plebeians, 108 
Manners, refinement in, 156 
Mantinaea, defeat of Sparta at, 

Manufactures, beginning of, 289 
March, Ides of, the, 250 
March, the first month, 32 
Marians, pursued by Pompey, 

202 ; the, in Spain, 209 
Marius and Sulla, traits of, 185 
Marius, Caius, appearance of, on 
the stage, 175 ; appointed to 
command against Mithridates, 
190 ; body of, cast into the 
Anio, 194 ; chosen consul, 178; 
chosen consul the fifth time, 
182 ; death of, 190 ; goes to 
Gaul, 181 ; joins China, 190 ; 
obliged to flee to Africa, 190 ; 
offers himself in vain, 184 ; 
retirement of, 185 ; returns to 
Rome to win office, 178 ; routs 
the Cimbri at Vercellse, 182 ; 
the third founder of Rome, 
182 ; triumph of, 180 ; ven- 
geance of, 188 
Marriage, ceremonies connected 
with, 282 ; between plebeians 
and patricians prohibited, 92 ; 
between members of the two 
orders permitted, 92 
Mars, prayer to, 19; traitsof, 314 
Marsian war, the, 187 
Masks worn by actors, 231 
Massana taken by the Campa- 

nians (Mamertines), 129 
Matralia, the feast of, 316 
Matronalia, establishment of, 

26 ; feast of, 316 
Matrons, good works of, 154; 
a movement of the Roman, 
149 ; appeal to Coriolanus, 81 

Maximus, Fabius (Rullus), at the 

battle of Vadimonis, 117 
Maximus, Quintus Fabius, 139 ; 

chosen dictator, 142 
May-day, the Roman, 331 
Medicine, knowledge of, 293 
Memoirs, the, of Sulla, 196 
Men, privileges of, as viewed by 

Cato, 152 
Mencechmiy the, of Plautus, 298 
Menenius Agrippa, see Lanatus, 

Menenius, Titus, accused of 

treason, 85 
Mesalliance, at Corinth, 39 
Mesopotamia, Crassus in, 234 
Metapontem, relics at, 13 
Metaurus, defeat of the Cartha- 
ginians at the, 146 
Metellus, Csecilius, Numidicus, 

sent to Africa, 178 
Metellus, Lucius Caecilius, Cre- 
ticus, opposes Caesar's attempt 
to take posession of the sacred 
gold, 243 
Miasma affects the Gauls, 104 
Mile-stones erected by Gracchus, 


Military tribunes with power of 
consuls, 93 

Milton's way of writing English 
history, 5 

Mistress and maid at work, 71 

Mithridates, cut off and defeated, 
220 ; first war with, 189 ; over- 
come by Sulla, 192 ; reckless 
ferocity of, 192 ; second war 
with, 218 ; succumbs to Lu- 
cullus, 218-219 J third war 
with (the " great " war), 218 

Mommsen, on Cato's encyclo- 
paedia, 293 ; on banquets, 289 ; 
on Roman religion. 317 

Monarchical style of Pompey, 219 

Monarchy, the, degenerates into 
tyranny, 72 

Money-lending during the period 
of the republic. 74 

Money, use of. for pleasure, 156: 
uses of, in early Rome, 74 


Months, the intercalary, 247 ; 

meaning of names of, 32 
Moses on boundaries, 30 
Mothers, feasts of the, 316 
Mount Gaurus, battle of, 114 
Mount Vesuvius, battle of, 115 
Mucius, Caius Scsevola, adven- 
ture of, 66 
Mules, travel by, 265 
Mulvian Bridge, battle at, 208 
Munda, victory of Caesar at, 248 
Mus, Marcus Decius, at the 

battle of Vesuvius, 116 
Mus, Publius Decius, devotes 
himself to the gods, 118 ; idea 
of substitution involved in the 
story of, 317 
Music after dinner, 289 ; at fune- 
rals, 328 
Mylae, battle of, 131 
Myrtle, the, a sign of rejoicing, 

Mythology, the, of Greece, 72, 



Names, the, of the Romans, 14, 

Naples, simply " New City," 127 
Natura, de rerum, the, of Lucre- 
tius, 304 
Naulochus, defeat of Pompeius 

Sextus at, 264 
Navy, a, created by Rome, 131 ; 

lack of , by Rome, 130 
Neapolis, league with, 116 
Nepos, Cornelius, works of, 308 
Neptunus, festival of, 315 
New, as used in names of places, 

New Carthage, 139 ; taken by 

Scipio, 144 
Niebuhr, establishes the true char- 
acter of the Gracchi, 171 ; lec- 
tures of, 67 
Nomenclator, work of the, 290 
Noricum, defeat of the Romans 

at, 181 
Numa Pompilius, second king, 
29 ; calendar of, 247 ; gives 

the people religious ceremonies, 

Numantia taken by Scipio, 166 
Numicius, the river, 10 
Numidian war brought to a close, 

Numitor, dispossessed of his 

throne, 11 ; replaced on his 

throne, 12 

Oak, the, sacred to Jupiter, 313 

Octavia, sister of Octavius, es- 
poused by Antony, 263 ; deser- 
tion of, by Antony, 267 

Octavius, at Apollonia with 
Caesar's army, 255 ; at Taren- 
tum, 264 ; chosen as successor 
of Caesar, 248 ; in Asia, 268 ; 
takes possession of public 
funds, 256 

Office, how used by provincial 
governors, 203 ; merely a 
means to gain wealth, 175 

Office-holders and office-seekers, 

Oligarchy, an, rules, 198 ; the, 
of time of Cicero, 207 

Olive, the, sacred to Minerva, 


Omens, at the foundation of 
Rome, 19 ; ill. after the fall of 
Veii, 97 : system of, 319 

Opimius, Lucius, convicted of 
receiving bribes, 178 

Oppian law, argument for its re- 
peal, 154 ; the, reason for, 
150 ; restrictions of, 168 

Ops, goddess of plenty, 314 

Optimates, defined, 170 ; oppose 
Pompey and Cicero, 219 ; 
power of decreasing, 183 ; see 
the influence of Gracchus, 174 ; 
Sulla's adhesion to, 194 ; un- 
dermine the influence of Grac- 
chus, 174 

Oratory of Caius Gracchus, 173 ; 
of Cicero, 299. 300 

Orders, union and severance of 


the two, 73 ; a tie established 
between the two, by Corvus, 
113 ; peace between, 109 
Orgies and decay of simplicity, 

Origines, the, of Cato, 153, 293 
Ostia, colony founded at, by 

Ancus Martius, 37 
Ovation of Crassus, 212 
Ovicula, a name of Fabius, 139 
Ovid (Publius Ovidius Naso,) 
writings of, 304 ; mentions 
calamitous Allia, foi ; story of 
Celeres, 20 
Outlawry, 291 

Paenula, the, 286 

Palaeopolis (Old City), 116 

Palace, origin of the word, 17 

Palatine Hill, the, chosen for the 
site of Rome, 17 ; Evander's 
city at foot of, 10 ; residence 
of Romulus, 26 

Pales, god of the flocks, 314; 
ceremonies connected with 
worship of, 18 

Palestine, civil war in, 220 ; 
overrun by Pompey, 220 

Palilia, feast of, 17 

Palinurus Cape, defeat of the 
Romans off, 133 

Pallantium, in Arcadia, 17 

Pallium, the, 285 

Panormus, Carthaginians de- 
feated at, 133 

Paris and Plelen, story of, 2 

Park, the, given by Coesar to the 
people, 256 

Parthia, a theatre for Crassus to 
act in, 232 

Parthians, Antony wages war 
against, 266, 267 ; plans of 
Caesar regarding, 248 ; pre- 
tended war against, 237 

Paterculus, Caius Velleius, men- 
tion of Drusus, 186 

Patricians, three tribes of, 28 ; 
choose censors from their own 

order, 93 ; irritated by meas- 
ures of Cassius, 83 

Patriotism, the, of Gracchus, 170 

Paulus, Lucius ^Emilius (Macedo- 
nicus), conqueror of Macedo- 
nia, 164 

Peacocks come into vogue as 
delicacies, 289 

Penny collections, 319 

People, hope for the, 183 ; op- 
pressed by the optimates, 174 ; 
power of increasing, 83 ; voice 
of the, made supreme law, 

Pergamos falls into the hands of 
the Romans, 166 

Peristylum, the, 276 

Perseus, son of Philip V., at war 
with Rome, 163 ; defeated at 
Pydna, 163 

Perusia, siege of, 262 

Pharsalia, victory of Coesarat, 244 

Philip V., of Macedon, war with, 
159 ; death of, 163 ; treats 
with Hannibal, 144 

Philippi, defeat of Brutus and 
Cassius at, 261 

Philippics, the, of Cicero, 257, 

Philoctetes, tomb of, 13 

Philopcemen revives declining 
spirit in Greece, 163 

Phoenicia, citizens of, found 
Carthage, 126 

Physician, the first, 293 

Pictor, Quintus Fabius, writings 
of, 158, 297 

Pirates, from Illyria, 135 ; in- 
crease of, 175 ; in the Medi- 
terranean, 217 

Pisistratus, tyranny of the family 
of, overturned, 73 

Placentia besieged by Hasdrubal, 
146 ; colony at, 136 

Plague in Rome, 109 

Plato's vision of Atlantis, 199 

Plautus, Titus Maccius, writings 
of, 297 ; the first play-writer, 

Players at funerals, 323 


Plays begin to be written, 110, 

Plebeian successions referred to 
by Valerius, 156 

Plebeians, attempt to improve 
their political position, 82 ; 
become a part of the social or- 
ganization, 36 ; continued dis- 
tress of, 88 ; deprived of rights, 
84 ; encouraged, 85 ; had no 
political rights, 28 ; increase of 
importance of, 51 ; learn their 
power, 76 ; number of, in- 
creased, 37 ; offices opened to, 
93 ; oppression of, by the pa- 
tricians, 73 ; refuse to enrol 
for war, 76 ; restless under a 
sense of injustice, 115 ; secede 
across the Anio, 77 ; second 
secession of, 92 ; and patri- 
cians reconciled, 109 

Plutarch, on the effect of a shout, 
161 ; on the foundation of 
Rome, 20 ; on the motives of 
Fabius, 145 

Politician, defined, 40 

Politics and social classes, 212 

Polybius, on the complete estab- 
lishment of Roman empire, 
164 ; taken prisoner, 164 

Pomcerium, the, of Rome, 19 : 
enlargement of the, 49 ; ex- 
tended by Sulla, 195 

Pompeia, wife of Caesar, 216 

Pompeians in Spain, 248 

Pompeius, Cneius Magnus, 202 ; 
acts in the East ratified, 226 ; 
defeated at Pharsalia, 244 ; 
denounced by Curio, 236 ; de- 
termined not to allow Caesar to 
be consul, 235 ; does not go to 
Spain, 231 ; exterminates the 
pirates, 218; final defeat of, 
245 ; flees from Rome, 242 ; 
given command in the East, 
218 ; gives way to Sulla, 206 ; 
goes to Spain, 209 ; learns the 
art of war, 202 ; needs soldiers 
and does not get them, 241 ; 
statue of, 250 ; the principal 

citizen, 208, 214 ; triumph of, 
212 ; villa of, 281 

Pompeius, Magnus, Sextus, ma- 
rauding expeditions of, and 
defeat, 264 ; peace with, 263 

Pompey and Caesar at war, 240 

Pompey and Catulus oppose 
Lepidus, 208 

Pompey and Crassus exterminate 
the gladiators, 212 

Pons sublicius, building of the, 
by Ancus Martius, 38 

Pontifex Maximus, 32 

Pontiff, the chief, duties of, 183 

Pontiffs, corruption of, 247 

Pontius, Telesinus, leader of the 
Samnites, 193 

Pontus, Caesar in, 245 

Poor and rich, struggle between, 

Poor, the, growing poorer, 119 ; 

186 ; mocked, 169 
Poplicola (Valerius), consul, 65 
Populares, attempt of Sulla to 

blot out, 194 
Popularity of Pompey, 217 
Population of Italy, classes of, 

Populus Romanus, the, 73 ; or= 

ganization of, 28, 36 
Porsena, Lars, of Clusium, 66 ; 

losses by, repaired, 82 
Porter, the, in the house 274 
Portia, wife of Brutus, 250 
Pourrieres, village of, 182 
Poverty, attempts to alleviate by 

laws, 83 ; increase of , 175 
Praeneste, siege of, 193 
Prayer, rites of, established, 31 ; 

to Mars, 314 
Priam's large family, I 
Priests, colleges of, 32, 319 ; col- 
leges of, formed, 318 ; increase 

their power, 319 
Prison, the Mamertine, 38 
Private interests pushed, 214 
Proculus, Julius, appearance or 

Romulus to, 27 
Professions, the Roman, 290 
Profligates flock to Lepidus, 207 


Troletarii, the, 51 

Property, instead of pedigree, the 
basis of rank, 50, 73 ; qualifi- 
cations introduced by Servius 
Tullius, 51 

Proscribed, estates of the, 200 

Proscription by the second tri- 
umvirate, 260 

Proscription, the, of Sulla, 194,244 

Provence, 166, 182, 226 

Province, of Asia, 166 ; Greece 
becomes a Roman, 165 ; Sicily 
becomes the first Roman, 134 

Provinces, the, of Rome, 166 ; 
corruption in the, 216 ; how 
governed, 203 

Provincial governof, a, 222 

Prusias, King of Bithynia, gives 
Hannibal an asylum, 148 

Ptolemy Epiphanes applies to 
Rome for help, 160 

Ptolemy II., surnamed Philadel- 
phus, 123 

Public opinion, change in, at 
Rome, 228 

Publilian, laws, 85, 109 

Publilius, Volero, favors laws 
friendly to the plebeians, 85 

Pudding of spelt, 286 

Punic war, the first, 129 ; end of 
the first, 134 ; the second, na- 
ture of, 139 ; the second, im- 
portance of, 138 ; the third 
begins, 165 ; one result of, 150 

Punishment for law-breaking, 291 

Puns, the, of Cicero, 204 

Purification by fire, 18 

Puteoli, Sulla retires to, 196 

Pydna, battle at, 163 

Pyrrhus, King of Epirus, enters 
Italy, 119; defeated at Male- 
ventum, 123 ; goes to Sicily, 
123 ; remark of, on leaving 
Sicily, 128 ; unsuccessful in 
Sicily, 123 ; victory of, much 
like defeat, 122 

Quaestor, office of, open to the 
plebeians, 93 

Quintilii, the followers of Romu- 
lus, 17 

Quirinal Hill, estate of Sallust 
on, 305 ; residence of Tatius, 
on, 26 

Quirinalia, feast of, 28 

Quirinus, the god representing 
Romulus, 27 

Races and games in the circus, 


Ravenna, ancient position of, 
238 ; consultation of Curio and 
Csesar at, 237 

Records of Rome burned, 25 

Reform needed, 168 

Reforms, of the Gracchi, 184 ; 
the, of Servius Tullius, 52 ; 
the, of Sulla, 195 

Regillus, Lake, battle at, 67 

Regions, the four urban, 49 ; loss 
of ten, 67 

Regulus, Marcus Atilius, deter- 
mines to invade Africa, 132 ; 
heroic death of, 133 ; taken 
prisoner, 133 

Religion, Ancus Martius regu- 
lates, 37 ; of the Romans, 312, 
317 ; organized by Numa, 30 \ 
severe, 72 ; solemnities of, ne- 
glected by Flaminius, 142 

Republic, end of, 254, 270 ; es- 
tablishment of the, 64 ; fall of 
the, 332 

Rhadamanthus, the vellow hair- 
ed, 200 

Rhea Silvia, mother of Romulus 
and Remus, II 

Rhegium, Mamertines driven 
from, by Hiero and the Ro- 
mans, 130 

Rhinoceros, a, exhibited in Pom- 
pey's theatre, 232 

Rhodes allied to Rome, 160 ; 
Csesar studies at, 206, 217 

Rich, oppression of the, 73 

Roads, communication with the 
capital by, 124 ; and bridges 
built by Gracchus, 173 


Rogations, the, of Appuleius, 
185 ; the Licinian, 109 

Roma Quadrata, 30 

Roman, characteristics, 69 ; law, 
Csesar proposes to codify, 246 ; 
people, origin of the, 13 ; re- 
ligion severe, 72 

Romans, character of, 118; de- 
feated at Lake Trasimenus, 
142; earlier occupations of the, 
71; ravage Africa, 147; routed 
by Hannibal, 140 

Rome, architectural progress 
under Tarquin, 43 : attacked 
at the north and south at once, 
118 ; burned by Brennus, 102; 
burning of, 25 ; complete es- 
tablishment of its power, 164 ; 
dismay in, 142 ; final success 
of, ensured, 115 ; for the Ro- 
mans, a party cry, 186 ; grows 
in importance, 69 ; increasing 
power of, in, 116 ; increase 
of wealth of, 124, 159 ; Jugur- 
tha's opinion of, 176 ; Livy's 
history of, 7 ; loses territory, 
67; menaced by Brennus, 101; 
not troubled by scruples, 130; 
outward appearance of the city, 
272 ; power of, extended in 
Asia, 192 ; rebuilding of, after 
its burning by the Gauls, 106 ; 
seeking a site for, 16 ; takes 
Tarentum, 123 ; territory of, 
extended, 136, 221 ; territory 
of, in Asia enlarged, 162 ; 
threatened by Hannibal, 144 ; 
threatened by Pyrrhus, 122 ; 
threatened with ruin, 175 ; 

Romulus and Remus thrown into 
the Tiber, 11 

Romulus, gives the people war- 
like customs, 29 ; disappear- 
ance of, 27 ; sole ruler of 
Sabines and Romans, 27 

Rostra, the, in the forum, 116 ; 
the, adorned with prows of 
ships, 132 

Rubicon, the, becomes the border 
line of Roman territory, 123, 

195 ; crossed by Csesar, 240 ; 
difficult to identify, 238 
Rumor, temple built in honor of, 


Sabines, fight with the, 24; names 
of the, 15 ; war with, 90 

Sacred Mount, the, 79 ; law of 
the, 89 

Sacrifice of M. D. Mus, 116; of 
P. D. Mus, 118 

Sacrifices, human, abolished, 3: 

Saddle, exercise in the, 281 ; 
travel in the, 290 

Saguntum, siege of, 139 

Salii, subordinate priests, 32 

Sallust (Caius Sallustius Crispus), 
works of, 305 

Samnites, allies of Rome, 115 ; 
in the Marsic war, 187; mas- 
sacre of, by Sulla, 193; threaten 
to raze the city, 193 ; origin of, 
113 ; overcome, 144 ; second 
war with, 116 ; third war with, 

Samos, Octavius rests at, 270 

Sandals and shoes, 286 

Sardinia and Corsica taken from 
Carthage, 134 

Saturn, Hill of, a name of the 
Capitoline, 24 

Saturnalia, the, 314, 315 ; the 
women's, 316 

Saturninus, Lucius Appuleius, ro- 
gations of, 185 

Saturnus, god of social order, 314 

Scaevola, Mucius, adventure of, 

Scandal, the game of, in history, 

School-book, the first, 295 

Science, slow growth of, 294 

Scipio, Africanus Major, gives 
away his daughter, 167; inves- 
tigated by Cato, 156 ; sent to 
Spain, 144; sets out for Africa, 

Scipio, Lucius Cornelius, Asiati- 
cus, at Magnesia, 162 


Scipio, Ptiblius Cornelius, 138 

Scipio, Publius Cornelius, Nasica, 
defeated by Caesar, 245 

Scipio, Publius Cornelius Scipio 
ifemilianus, Africanus Minor, 
son of /Emilius Paulus, 164 ; 
becomes also "Africanus 
Minor," 165 ; becomes leader 
of the optimates, 172 ; marries 
Cornelia, daughter of Gracchus, 
167; murder of, 172; restores 
peace in Spain, 165 

Scylla and Charybdis, 129 

Stylus, use of the, 295 

Secession, of the plebeians, 77, 
92 ; to the Janiculum, 119 

Self-sacrifice of Mus, 118 

Sempronian laws, the, 173 

Senate, composition of, 28 ; de- 
prived of the choice of chief 
pontiff, 183; enlarged by Sulla, 
195; favors war with Philip V., 
160 ; government by the, 29 ; 
opposes Drusus, 186; plebeians 
made eligible to the, 93 ; pow- 
ers of, abridged, 173 ; powers 
of, restricted, 184 ; reluctantly 
forced to listen to a letter from 
Caesar, 238 ; shut up in the 
capitol, 102 

Senators, authorize Lepidus to 
make Caesar dictator, 244 ; 
flee from Rome, 241 ; flee after 
murder of Caesar, 250 ; mur- 
dered by the Gauls, 102 

Sentium, battle near, 118 / 

Sertorius, Quintus, braver}' of, 
199 ; assassinated, 209 

Servants at dinner, 2S9 

Servile insurrections, 175 

Servius Tullius murdered, 56 

Seven Hills, the, 49, 70 

Sextus (see Pompeius Magnus 
Sextus), 263 

Sextus, Lucius, first plebeian con- 
sul, 109 

Shakespeare's version of the offer 
of the crown to Caesar, 249 

Ships, deficiency of, 130 

Shoes and boots, 286 

Sibyl, the, of Cumae. visits Tar 
quin, 59 

Sibylline books, the, 59, 72 ; 
burned, 193 ; the, consulted, 
136 ; verdict of, by whom pro- 
nounced, 183 

Sicily, becomes a Roman prov- 
ince, 134 ; career of Verres in, 
203; colony of Carthage in, 128; 
result of a war in, 170 ; servile 
insurrection in, 166 ; taken 
from Lepidus by Octavius, 266; 
visited by Pyrrhus, 123 

Sicinius, Lucius Dentatus, 90 

Sidon, glass of, 127 

Siege of Rome by the Gauls, 103 

Siege of Veii, 95 

Silvanus, Mars, traits of, 314 

Silvanus, the god, determines 
a victory for the Romans, 


Silvia, or Rhea Silvia, 11 

Siris, battle of the river, 122 

Slaves, domestic, 282 ; great in- 
crease of, 166 ; insurrection 
among, 1S3 ; occupations of, 
200 ; punished for excesses, 
199 ; their share in education, 
292 , traffic in, 74 ; working 
fields in chains, 169 

Soldiers, not adapted to agricul- 
ture, 83 : pay provided for, 83 ; 
rewarded by Octavius, 270 ; 
without homes, 169 

Spain, assigned to Pompey, 228 ; 
Carthaginians in, 128, 139 ; 
mastered by Rome, 144 ; Pom- 
peians in, 243, 248 ; Pompey 
in, 209 ; Sertorius in, 199 ; 
troubles in, 165 

Spartacus, the gladiator, 210 

Spectators in the theatres, 231 

Spring-time festivities, 331 

Spurius Cassius, 82 

Stagirite, the, 192 

Stola, use of the, 285 

Stolo, Caius Licinius, see Li- 
cinius, 109 

Stone, use of, in building, 326 

Streets at Rome, 159 


Sabstitution, ihe idea of, in Ro- 
man religion, 317 

Suetonius on the crossing of the 
Rubicon, 241 

Suffrage, extended to the Ital- 
ians, 173, 184; offered to the 
allies who would lay down 
their arms, 188 

Suggestum, the, 116 

Sulla and Marius, traits of, 185 

Sulla, Lucius Cornelia, character 
of, 176; after the Marsic war, 
18S ; claims credit for captur- 
ing jugurtha, 1S0 ; description 
of, 180 ; effects of his doings, 
197 ; goes to Gaul with Ma- 
rius; 181; in Asin, 190; legis- 
lation of, repealed by Pompey, 
212 ; obtains command of the 
army, 190 ; resisted by Caesar, 
206 ; scatters his veterans 
through Italy, 196 ; retirement 
of, 196 ; threatens vengeance, 

Sumptuary law, a, 150 

Sumptuary laws enacted by Sulla, 


Suovetaurilia, the, 54 
Superstition increases, 319 
Sybaris in Magna Graecia, 114 
Syracuse, grain sent from, 80 ; 

taken, 144 
Syria assigned to Crassus, 22S 
Square Rome, 30 
Squatters on Roman lands, 83 
Switzexiand, Csesar in, 227 

Table-customs, 286 

Tables, richness of, 289 

Tacita, the nymph that Numa 
pretended to meet, 32 

Talasia, the refrain of a marriage- 
song, 22, 283 

Tanaquil, 55 

Tarentines and Lucanians, war 
between, 120 

T are n turn, in Magna Grsecia, 
114 ; conference at, 264 ; 
given up to pleasures, 121 ; 

falls under the sway of Rome, 
123 ; falls into the hand of 
Fabius, 145 

Tarpeian Rock, the, 24 

Tarpeia's fate, 24 

Tarquinii, one of the cities of 
Etruria, 9 

Tarquinius, Priscus, birth of, 41 ; 
gv js to Rome, 41 ; progress 
of, 43 ; supposed to have es- 
tablished the great games of 
the circus, 322 

Tarquinius, Superbus, endeavors 
to stir up a conspiracy, 64 ; 
flees to Cumae, 68 ; intrigues 
for the crown, 56 ; great works 
of, 60 ; tyrrany of, 58 

Tarquins, the, banished, 63 

Tatius, proposes to attack Rome, 
22 ; slain by people of La- 
vinium. 27 

Telamon, Gauls defeated at, 136 

Tellus, the nourishing earth, 314 

Temple, the, at Jerusalem ex- 
amined by Pompey, 220 

Temples, dedicated to the honor 
of Caesar, 246 ; the first Ro- 
man, 313 

Ten Men, the, 89 

Tennis, Maecenas plays a game 
of, 265 

Terence (Publius Tenhr^us 
Afer), comedies of, 298 

Terminalia, ceremonies of, 30 

Terminus, worship of, 30 

Territory of Rome, increased, 
136 ; insignificant, 70 

Terror, reign of, 194 

Teuta, perfidious queen, 135 

Thanksgiving for the victories of 
Caesar, 227, 246 

Thapsus, defeat of the followers 
of Pompey at, 245 

Theatre, the, of Pompey, 231, 

Theatres, at Tarenium shut up 
by Pyrrhus, 121 ; the Romar 
characteristics of, 231 

Thermopylae, defeat of the Syri- 
ans at, 162 



Thirty cities of Latium, the, n 
Thrace, native country of Spar- 

tacus, 211 
Threshold, the bride lifted over, 

Thunder-storm, influence of, on 

public meetings, 319 
Thurii, relics at, 13 
Tiber overflows its banks, no 
Tibullus, Albius, poetry of, 304 
Ticinus, battle of the, 140 
Toga, the, use of, 285 ; exempli- 
fied in the case of Cincinna- 
tus, 86 
Tolosa, gold of, 184 
Torquatus, Titus Manlius, slays 

a Gaul, 113 
Towns built on hills, 70 
Trades learned, 289 
Trasimenus, battle of Lake, 142 
Travel, modes of, 290 
Traveller, hospitality to the, 2S0 
Treaties with Carthage, 115, 128 
Treaties with neighbors, 82 
" Treating" by office-seekers, 290 
Trebia, battle of the, 140 
Tribes, citizens of the, 124 ; di- 
visions of the, 28 ; ten nevv, 
formed, 188 ; the thirty, 49 
Tribunes of the people, the first, 
79 ; Coriolanus opposed to, 81 ; 
power of, restricted by Sulla, 
195 ; restored by Pompey, 212 ; 
military, chosen, 93 
Triclinium, the, 276 
Triremes and quinquiremes, 130 
Triumph, the, defined, 36 ; de- 
scription of, 212 ; instituted by 
Tarquin, 44 ; of Camillus, 96 ; 
of Cincinnatus, 87 ; of Fabius, 
146 ; of Marius at Rome, 180, 
182 ; of Octavius, for victories 
of Actium and Egypt, 270 ; 
of Pompey, 202, 212, 221 ; of 
Sulla, 194, 195 
Triumvirate, the first, so-called, 
224 ; the second, 258 ; exten- 
sion of the second, 266 
Triumvirs, reconciliation of two, 
263 ; the three, each striving 

for the ascendency, 230 ; ppu v 
scription by, 260 

Trojan origin of Albans aa# 
Romans, 34 

Troy, the play of, 325 ; begin- 
nings of the British race in, 6 ; 
date of fall of, 4 ; names of 
the heroes of, fixed on Italian 
places, 13 ; story of, 1 

Tullia, the wicked daughter of 
Servius Tullius, 55 

Tulliarium, the, Mamertine 
prison, 180 

Tullius, Servius, sixth king, 46 

Tullus Hostilius, the king, 33; 
offends the gods and dies, 37 

Tunes, age of, 127 

Tunnel under Veii, constructed, 

Turchina, the remains of Tar- 
quinii, 41 

Turnus, the early Italian king, 10 

Tusculum hills, the, 124 

Twelve tables, laws of the, 89, 
90 ; used as a text-book, 293 

Tyrant, a, 58, 236 

Tyre, antiquity of, 127 ; inhabi- 
tants of, 126 


Ulysses, relics of, 14 
Urn, the funeral, 329 
Utica, antiquity of, 127 ; Scipio 
at, 146 

Vadimonis, Lake, victory at, 
117 ; second battle near, 119 

Valerian laws, 78 

Valerius, Lucius, champion of 
the women, 153 

Valerius, Publius, the people's 
friend, 65 

Valerius, see Corvus, Marcus Va- 
lerius, 113 

Varro, Marcus Terentius, on 
education, 294 ; describes life 
in a rural house, 280 ; on the 
care of children, 284 ; writings 
of, 300 


Varro, Terentius, champion of 
the popular party, 143 

Vaults, burial, 329 

Vegetables, a diet of, 287 

Veii, one of the Etrurian cities, 
9 ; siege of, 94 ; stones brought 
from, to build Rome, 107 

Velian Hill, house of Valerius 
on the, 65 * 

Vent, vidi, vici, expression of 
Caesar, 245 

Ver Sacrum, sacrifice of, de- 
scribed, 114 

Vercellae, rout cf the Cimbri at, 

Vercingetorix, character of, 229 ; 
opposes Caesar, 228 

Verres, Caius Licinius, traits of, 
202 ; flees from Rome, 204 

Verrucosus, name of Fabius, 139 

Vesta, goddess of the fireside 315 

Vestal virgins, the, 32 

Vestibule, use of, 275 

Vesuvius, battle of Mount, 115 ; 
gladiators in, 211 

Veterans, allotment of land to, 
261, 262 

Veto, senate deprived of, 119 

Via, Appia, course of, 124 ; 
Egnatia, route, of, 261 ; La- 
tina, course of, 124 ; Osti- 
ensis, course of, 124 ; Sacra, 
212 ; Saleria, route of, 124 ; 
Valeria, course of, 124 

Vice, increase of, 175 

Villa, adornments of the pleasure, 
281 ; the farm, 279 ; the pleas- 
ure, 279 ; of Cicero, given 
over to destruction, 224 

Vinalia, feasts of, 314 

Violence and bu.odshed, famiib 
arity with, 185 

Virgil (Publius Vergilius Maro), 
works of, 309 ; joins Horace 
on a journey, 265 ; story of 
./Eneas, 7 

Virginia, death of, 91 

Virginius, Lucius, commands 
against the yEquians, 90 

Voice, temple built to, 107 

Volero (see Publilius), 85 
Volscians, the, threaten Rome, 

81 ; overcome, 116 
Votes, solicitation of, by women, 

150, 153 
Vulcanus, festival of, 315 
Vultures, augury by, 17 


Walls and floors, 278 
War, civil, consequences of, 333 ; 
in early times, traits of, 87 ; 
engines of, 95 ; precautions 
neglected in, 101 ; prosperity 
by, 125 
Wars add to Roman prestige, 94 
Wealth, increase of, 150, 185 ; 
how obtained by Crassus, 200 ; 
of private citizens, 235 ; of 
Sallust, 305 
Wedding ceremonies, 283 
Windows and shutters, 279 
Wives wanted in early Rome, 21 
Women, corruption of, 284 ; cus- 
toms regarding, at Rome, 
149 ; dress of the, 285 ; good 
works of, for the state, 153 
movement of the Roman, 149 
the Sabine, bring peace, 26 
toilet articles of, 286 ; 287 
want of, in early Rome, 21 
Woods, the first temples in the, 

Workmen, importance of, 51 


Xanthippus, the Spartan aids 
Carthage, 132 


Year, the, lengthened by Caesar, 
247 ; the pontiffs lengthen or 
shorten, 236 ; the Roman, 32 

Yoke, the, passing under, 87, 117 

Zama, rout cf the Carthaginians 
at, 147 ; soldiers of Macedonia 
at, 160 

Zela, Caesar's victory at s 245 








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